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AN 

INQUIRY 

INTO THE 

CHARACTER AND TENDENCY 

OF THE 

AMERICAN COLONIZATION, 

AND 

AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY 
SOCIETIES. 



BY WILLIAM JAY. 



"Give me the liberty to know, to utter, and to argue freely, according 
to my conscience, above all liberties." — Milton. 



SECOND EDITION. 



STEREOTYPED BY CONNER AND COOKE. 



NEW YORK: 

PUBLISHEB BY LEAVITT, LORD & CO. 

182 BROADWAY. 
BOSTON: CROCKER & BREWSTER, 

47 WASHINGTON-STREET. 

1835. 



fi Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1835, by 
William Jav, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the 
Southern District of New York. 



D. Fans)iaw Printer. 



IN EXCHANGE 






CONTENTS. 

PART I. 

AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 

Introduction page 7 

Chapter I. 
Origin, Constitution, and Character of the American 
Colonization Society. 11 

Chapter II. 
Influence of the Society on the condition of Free Per- 
sons of Color. 17 

Chapter III. 
Influence of the Society on Africa — Suppression of 
the Slave Trade. 55 

Chapter IV; 
Influence of the Society on Africa — Diffusion of Civili- 
zation and Christianity. 61 

Chapter V. 
Influence of the Society on Slavery. ------ 72 



PART II. 
AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

Chapter I. 
Principles of the Society — Character of American 

Slavery. 137 

Chapter II. 
Proposed Objects and Measures of the Society — Cen- 
sure of Abolitionists. ' 141 



4 CONTENTS. 

Chapter III. 
Fanaticism of Abolitionists. 145 

Chapter IV. 
Incendiarism and Treason of Abolitionists. - - - 149 

Chapter V. 
Slavery imder the authority of Congress, ... - 164 

Chapter VI. 
Slavery under State authority. 162 

Chapter VII. 
Safety of Immediate Emancipation. - - - - . 168 

Chapter VIII. 
Emancipation in St. Domingo and Gaudaloupe, and 

present state of St. Domingo. - . 171 

Chapter IX. 
Emancipation in the British West Indies. - ^ . . 187 

Chapter X, 
Gradual and Immediate Emancipation. .... 193 

Chapter XI. 
Danger of Continued Slavery. 199 



PREFACE. 



No allusion has been made, in the following pages, to 
certain popular objections to the Colonization Society ; 
nor have any cases of individual cruelty been cited, to 
illustrate the evils of slavery. It is proper, that the rea- 
sons for this departure from the ordinary mode of discus- 
sing these two sul)jects, should be given, that they may 
not be misunderstood. 

The objections I have omitted to notice, are, the mor- 
tality to which the emigrants are exposed, in conse- 
quence of the climate of Liberia ; the demoralizing traf- 
lic, which the colonists have carried on with the natives, 
in rum and military stores ; and the improvident appli- 
cation of the funds of the Society, which has rendered 
it bankrupt. 

These objections, serious as they are in themselves, 
are not inseparable from the system of Colonization. 
Another and more salubrious site, may be selected ; the 
traffic complained of, may be discontinued ; and the fiscal 
affairs of the Society, may hereafter be managed with 
prudence and economy. But there are inherent evils in 
the system, and it is important that the public attention 
should not be diverted from these evils, by the contem- 
plation of others, which are only accidental. 

So, also, it is important, that the sinflilness of slavery, 
should not be merged in that of its unauthorized abuses. 
Many contend for the lawfulness of slavery who readily 



PREFACE. 



admit the sinfulness of insulated cases of cruelty. It has, 
therefore, been my object to sliow, that admitting the 
slaves to be treated as a prudent farmer treats his cattle 
— that they have enough to eat — are sheltered from the 
inclemency of the weather, and are not subjected to a 
greater degree of severity than is necessary, to extort 
from them a due amount of labor — American slavery is, 
nevertheless, a heinous sin, and, like every other sin, 
ought to be immediately abandoned. 

FcbriMry, 1835. 



PART L 

AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 



INTRODUCTION. 

On the 1st of January, 1835, there were in the United 
States, 2,245,144 slaves.* This number about equals the 
population of Holland, and exceeds that of Scotland, of 
the Danish Dominions, of the Swiss Confederation, and of 
various Republics in South America. These millions of 
human beings, are held as chattels by a people professing 
to acknowledge, that " all men are created equal, and 
endowed with certain unalienable rights, among which are, 
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness :" — they are, 
moreover, kept in ignorance, and compelled to live without 
God, and to die without hope, by a people pi'ofessing to 
reverence the obligations of Christianity. 

But slavery has ceased in other countries, where it foi'- 
merly prevailed ; and may we not hope that it is gradually 
expiring in this? Such a hope is, alas, forbidden by the follow- 
ing statement of our slave population, at different periods : 
United States, 1790, 697,697, 1835, 2,345,144 

Kentucky, do. 12,430 1830, 165,350 

Si^ma^^'^"'^ \ ^®^^' ^'"^^^ ^°- 182,953 

Louisiana, 1810, 34,660 do. 109,631 

Missouri, do. 3,011 do. 24,990 

Perhaps, however, the political evils of slavery may be 
gradually mitigated, and finally removed, by an increas- 

• According to the ratio of increase between 1820 and 1830. 



S. Carolina, 


8.7 


Alabama, 


124. 


Mississippi, 


66.8 


Louisiana, 


2.5.6 


Missouri, 


104.3 


Tennessee, 


59.5 


Kentucky, 


19.6 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

ing preponderance in the white population. Unfortunately, 
we are compelled by facts to anticipate a very different re- 
sult. A comparison of the census of 1830, with that of 
185^, affords us the following ratio of increase in the free 
and slave population, for the intermediate ten years : 
N. Carolina, Free 13.4 per ct. Slave 20.2 per ct. 

22.1 
180.4 
100.1 

58.7 
144.7 

77.7 

30.4 
Arkansas Territory,104.3 180. 

It is obvious, from these details, that, if the present sys- 
tem be continued, the time cannot be far distant, when the 
slaves will possess a frightful numerical superiority over 
their masters. Already do they bear to the whites, in the 
slave States and Territories, the proportion of 1, to 2.79. 
In South-Carolina, and Louisiana, they are now a ina- 
jority. 

But in our contemplation of slavery, the sufferings of 
the slaves claim our consideration, no less than the dangers 
to which the whites are exposed. The ordinary evils of 
slavery are in this country greatly aggravated, by a cruel 
and extensive slave trade. Various circumstances have 
of late years combined, to lessen the demand for slave labour 
in the more northern, and to increase it in the more south- 
ern and western portions of the slave region ; while the 
enlarged consumption of sugar and cotton is enhancing the 
market value of slaves. The most profitable employment 
of this species of labour, is unfortunately found in those 
States, which, from their recent settlement, possess im- 
mense tracts which are still to be brought into cultivation, 
and in which, consequently, there now is, and will long 
continue to be, an urgent demand for slaves. Hence has 
arisen a prodigious and annually increasing transportation 
of slaves to the south and west. 

There are no official data, from which the amount of 
this transportation can be ascertained ; but from facts that 
have transpired, and from estimates made at the South, 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

there is reason to believe that it exceeds 30,000 a year ! 
One of the peculiar abominations of this trade is, that its 
victims are almost exclusively children and youths. In- 
stead of removing whole families and gangs of negroes, the 
dealers for the most part, according to their own advertise- 
ments, select individuals " of both sexes, from twelve to 
twenty-five years." 

He surely can have little claim to the character of a 
patriot, or a Christian, who does not desire, that his coun- 
try may be delivered from the sin and curse of slavery ; or 
v/ho refuses even to consider the means proposed for eiTect- 
ing this great object. 

A powerful institution is now in operation, which pro- 
fesses to be, not merely a remedy for slavery, but the only 
remedy that can be devised. It appeals to religion and 
patriotism, for those pecuniary aids, which, it contends, are 
alone wanting, to enable it to transport our whole colored 
population to Africa, there to enjoy the freedom denied to 
them here ; and there to become the dispensers of religion, 
and the arts and sciences, to that benighted continent. 

If the claims of the American Colonization Society are 
founded in truth, they cannot be resisted without guilt. 
Very many, however, who are alike distinguished for 
piety and talents, instead of allowing these claims, strenu- 
ously maintain, that the practical tendency of the Society, 
is to perpetuate the evils it professes to remove ; and to 
extend to Africa, the vices, but not the blessings of civiliza- 
tion. These conflicting opinions, on a subject so momen- 
tous, demand a calm and patient investigation ; since he 
who either supports or opposes the Colonization Society, 
without first ascertaining its true character, the results it 
has produced, and the influence it exerts, incurs the 
hazard, as far as his example and efforts extend, of in- 
creasing the wretchedness he would relieve ; and of fasten- 
ing upon his country, the burden under which she is strug- 
gling. 

If, in a question, involving the temporal and etei'nal 
happiness of unborn millions, we could satisfy our con- 
sciences, by bowing to the authority of great names, we 
should still be painfully embarrassed in selecting those, to 
whose decision we should surrender our own judgments. 



10 INTRODUCTION. 

The excellent of the earth, are to be found among the 
friends and enemies of this association ; and if various 
ecclesiastical bodies in our own country, have recommend- 
ed it to the patronage of their churches, it is regarded with 
abhorrence by almost the whole religious community of 
Great Britain ; and the last effort made by Wilberforce 
in the great cause of negro liberty, was, to address to the 
people of Great Britain his solemn protest against the doc- 
trines and conduct of the American Colonization Society. 

This Institution may have been formed by good men, and 
from the purest motives, yet it is possible, that its opera- 
tion may not have been such as they anticipated. " So 
many unforeseen, concealed, and inappreciable causes," says 
a very eminent writer, "have an influence on human insti- 
tutions, that it is impossible to judge a priori of their effects. 
Nothing but a long series of experiments, can unfold these 
effects, and point out the means of counteracting those that 
are hurtful." 

The following inquiry has been commenced, and pur- 
sued, under a deep sense of the importance of the subject, 
and with a solemn recollection, that no deviation from truth, 
can escape the notice and displeasure of Him, unto whom 
all hearts are open, and from whom no secrets are hid. 



CHAPTER I. 

ORIGIN, CONSTITUTION, AND CHARACTER OF THE AMERI- 
CAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 

On the 23d December, 1916, the Legislature of Vir- 
ginia passed a resolution requesting the Governor to cor- 
respond with the President of the United States, " for the 
purpose of obtaining a territory on the coast of Africa, or 
at some other place not within any of the States, or terri- 
torial governments of the United States, to serve as an 
asylum for such persons of colour as are now free, and may 
desire the same, and for those who may hereafter be eman- 
cipated within this commonwealth." 

Within a {ew days of the date of this resolution, a meet- 
ing was held at Washington to take this very subject into 
consideration. It was composed almost entirely of south- 
ern gentlemen. Judge Washington presided ; Mr. Clay, 
Mr. Randolph, and others, took part in the discussions 
which ensued, and which resulted in the organization of 
the American Colonization Society. Judge Washington 
Was chosen President, and of the seventeen Vice Presidents, 
only five were selected from the free States, while the 
twelve managers were, it is believed, without one excep- 
tion, slave-holders. 

U The first two articles of the constitution, are the only 
ones relating to the object of the Society. They are as 
follows : 

> Art. I. This Society shall be called the American So- 
ciety for colonizing the free people of colour of the United 
States. 

Art. II. The object to which its attention is to be exclu- 
sively directed, is to promote and execute a plan for coloni- 
zing (with their consent) the free people of color residing in 
our country in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall 



12 ABSENCE OF AVOWED MOTIVES. 

deem most expedient. And the Society shall act to effect 
this object in co-operation with the general government and 
such of the States as may adopt regulations on the subject. 

It is worthy of remark, that this constitution has no 
preamble setting forth the motives which led to its adop- 
tion, and the sentiments entertained by its authors. There 
is no one single principle of duty or policy recognized in it, 
and the members may, without inconsistency, be Christians 
or Infidels : they may be the friends or enemies of slavery, 
and maybe actuated by kindness or by hatred towards "the 
free people of color." 

The omission of all avowal of motives was, probably, 
not without design, and has not been without effect. It has 
secured the co-operation of three distinct classes. First, 
such as sincerely desire to afford the free blacks an asylum 
from the oppression they suffer here, and by their means 
to extend to Africa the blessings of Christianity and civili- 
zation, and who at the same time flatter themselves that 
colonization will have a salutary influence in accelerating 
the abolition of slavery: Secondly, such as expect to en- 
hance the value and security of slave property, by removing 
the free blacks : And, thirdly, such as seek relief from a bad 
population, without the trouble and expense of improving if. 

The doors of the Society being thrown open to all, a 
heterogeneous multitude has entered, and within its portals 
men are brought into contact, who, in the ordinary walks 
of life, are separated by a common repulsion. The devoted 
missionary, ready to pour out his life on the sands of 
Africa, is jostled by the trafficker in human flesh ; the 
humble, self-denying Christian, listens to the praises of the 
Society from the unblushing profligate ; and the friend of 
human rights and human happiness greets as his fellow- 
laborer the man whose very contribution to the cause is 
extorted from the unrequited labor of his fellow-men. 
This anomalous amalgamation of characters and motives, 
has necessarily led to a lamentable compromise of princi- 
ple. Whatever m-ay be the object each member proposes 
to himself, he is conscious it can be effected only by the 
harmonious co-operation of all the other members. Hence 
it is all important to avoid giving and taking offence ; 
and never was the maxim, " bear and forbear," more scru- 



COMPROMISE OF PRINCIPLES. 13 

pulously obeyed. Certain irreconcileable opinions, but 
regarded by their holders as fundamental, are, by common 
consent, wholly suppressed ; while in matters of less im- 
portance, the expression of opposite sentiments is freely 
allowed and borne with commendable patience. 

The advocates of slavery foi'bear shocking its opponents 
by justifying it in the abstract, and in return for this com- 
plaisance, those opponents forbear condemning it in par- 
ticulars. Each party consents to make certain conces- 
sions to conciliate the other. The Southron admits slavery 
to be a political evil ; the northern member courteously 
replies, that under present circumstances, it is unavoidable, 
and therefore justiliablc. The actual condition of the slave, 
his mental bondage, his bodily sufferings, are understood to 
be forbidden topics. 

The oppressor of the free negro dwells on his depravity 
and degradation ; the friend of the free negro admits, and 
often aggravates the charges against him, but carefully ab- 
stains from all allusion to the true causes of that depravity 
and degradation, unless to excuse them as being inevitable. 
Both parties unite in depicting in glowing colors, the effects 
of the oppression of the free negro, in order to prove the 
humanity of banishing him from the country; while both 
refrain from all attempts to remove or lessen the oppres- 
sion. 

The simplicity of the object of the Society as stated in 
its constitution, tends in a powerful degree to encourage 
and enforce this compromise of principle. The constitu- 
tion, in fact, vests a discretionary veto in every member on 
the expression of unpalatable opinions. The attention of 
the Society is to be " exclusively" directed to the coloni- 
zation of persons of color, and the constitution contains no 
allusion to slavery. Hence any denunciation of slavery as 
sinful,* any arguments addressed to slave holders to induce 
them to manumit their slaves, would be unconstitutional, 
and are therefore carefully avoided. But the free blacks 

* Candor requires the admission that there is at least one exception to this 
remark. At the annual meeting of the Society in 1834, the Rev. Mr. Breck- 
enridge in his speech insisted on the sinfulness of slavery. A distinguished 
lay member of the Society, who was present, complained to the author of 
Mr. K.'s unconstitutional conduct, and declared that he was strongly 
tempted publicly to call him to order. 
2 



14 COMPROMISE OF PRINCIPLES. 

cannot be transported without money, and much money 
cannot be had, without the aid of the enemies of slavery. 
It is therefore permitted to represent the Society as an an- 
tidote to slavery, as tending to effect its abolition, any thing 
in the constitution to the contrary notwithstanding. But 
then this abolition is to be brought about at some future 
indefinite period. True it is, that the constitution is as 
silent, with respect to manumission, as it is to slavery ; but 
by common consent, this silence is not permitted to inter- 
pose the slightest obstacle to a unanimous, vigorous, and 
persevering opposition to present manumission. Were the 
American Bible Society to deprecate the emancipation of 
slaves, and to censure all who proposed it, the outrage 
would excite the indignation of the whole community. But 
what would be a perversion of its avowed object in a Bible 
Society, is perfectly lawful in a Colonization Society, not 
because it is authorized by the constitution, but because it 
is expedient to conciliate the slave holders. 

Many of the supporters of the Society are interested in 
the American slave trade* — a trade replete with cruelty 
and injustice. To condemn this trade, or to labor for its 
su])pression, would be unconstitutional. Tlie African slave 
trade rather interferes with, tlian promotes the interests of 
the slave owners, and the Society deem it unnecessary to 
seek for any constitutional M'arrant to justify the most vio- 
lent denunciation of the foreign traffic ; or an application 
to foreign powers to declare it piratical. f 

To hold up the free blacks to the detestation of the 
community, is constitutional — to recommend them to the 
sympathy of Christians, to propose schools for their in- 
struction, plans for encouraging their industry, and efforts 
for their moral and religious improvement, would be such a 
flagrant departure from the " exclusive" object of the Soci- 
ety, that no member has hitherto been rash enough to make 
the attempt. At the same time it is quite constitutional to 
vindicate the cruel laws which are crushing these people 
in the dust, and to show that the oppression they suffer is 
" an ordination of Providence." 

* The first PresicJcnt of the Society, wag, as we shall see hereafter, no 
inconsiderable dealer. 
t See proceedings of Am. Col. Society of 20th January, 1827. 



CONSEQUENCES OF THE COMPROMISE. 15 

The constitution indeed, forbids the transportation of the 
free blacks without " their consent ;" but it is very consti- 
tutional to justify and encourage such oppression of them, 
as shall compel them to seek in the wilds of Africa, a re- 
fuge from American cruelty. 

The natural result of this compromise of principle, this 
suppression of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity, has been 
the adoption of expediency as the standard of I'ight and 
wrong, in the place of the revealed will of God. Unmind- 
ful of the poet's precept. 

Be virtuous ends pursued by virtuous meang, 
Nor tliink the inteiitioii sanctifies the deed, 

good men, and good Christians, have been tempted by their 
zeal for the Society, to countenance opinions and practices 
inconsistent with justice and humanity. Confident that 
their motives were good, and their object important, they 
liave been too little scrupulous of the means they employed; 
and hence the Society has actually exerted a demoralizing 
influence over its own members, by leading them occasion- 
ally to advance in its behalf opinions at variance with 
truth and Christianity, Unhappily the evil influence of the 
Society has not been confined to its own members. It has, 
to a lamentable extent, vitiated the moral sense of the com- 
munity, by reconciling public opinion to the continuance 
of slavery, and by aggravating those sinful prejudices 
against the free blacks, which are subjecting them to insult 
and persecution, and denying them the blessings of educa- 
tion and religious instruction. 

We are sensible that these are grave assertions, and that 
many will deem them very extraordinary ones. The 
reader's belief is not solicited for them at present, nor will 
it be for any assertion hereafter made, till supported by 
unquestionable evidence. The remarks in this chapter are 
intended only as a general statement of the case against 
the Society, and as an explanation of the process by which 
many excellent men belonging to it, have insensibly been 
seduced into conduct of at least doubtful morality. The 
charges now made will in due time be substantiated by 
authentic facts, and by quotations from the language, both 
official and private, of members of the Society. 



16 SOCIETY TO BE JUDGED BY ITS LANGUAGE. 

True it is, that Colonizationists protest most earnestly 
against being judged by any but the official language of the 
Board of Managers. To the justice of this protest it is 
impossible to assent. The Society is arraigned at the bar 
of the public, not for the object avowed in the constitution, 
but for the influence it exerts in vindicating and prolonging 
slavery, and in augmenting the oppression of the free 
blacks. This influence, if exerted at all, must be exerted 
by individuals in the capacity of members, agents, and 
officers of the Society, and the only means they possess 
of exerting this influence, is by the expression of their sen- 
timents. To insist, therefore, that these sentiments may 
not be quoted, to show what influence the Society does 
exert, is to contradict the plainest suggestions of common 
sense. Certainly the whole Society is not necessarily res- 
ponsible for the sentiments of a single member ; but the 
question is not, whether one or two or more members have 
said improper things, but whether the influence generally 
exerted by the Society, is what it is alleged to be ; and 
this is a question of fact, to be decided by evidence, and that 
evidence necessarily consists of the opinions expressed by 
its officers, agents, and distinguished members, and auxiliary 
associations. 

This protest, moreover, comes with an ill grace from a 
Society that has appealed to the letters and the speeches of 
its members, to repel the objection urged against it in cer- 
tain quarters, of a desire to interfere with the rights of 
slave-holders.* Should the members and officers of an Anti- 
Slavery Society, continually, at its public meetings, deliver 
addresses in favour of intermarriages between whites and 
blacks — should auxiliaries pass resolutions approving of 
such marriages — should these addresses and resolutions be 
published and circulated at the expense of the Society, and 
should its official magazine recommend such marriages. 
would it not be the excess of disingenuousness, for the 
Society to attempt to repel the charge that its influence 
was exerted to bring about an amalgamation of the two 
races, by denying that it was responsible for the language 
of its members, and by appealing to its constitution and 

* See Af. Rep. VI. 198. 



ITS INFLUENCE ON FREE COLORED PERSONS. 17 

official reports, in which no allusion was made to the sub- 
ject? All that can fairly be demanded, is that the quota- 
tions be honestly made, and that they be sufficiently nu- 
merous and explicit, to establish the facts they are brought 
to prove. It must not, however, be supposed, that we in- 
tend to prove our charges against the Society, only by the 
declarations of individual members. On the contrary, we 
shall summon as witnesses, the Managers of the parent So- 
ciety, and its auxiliaries ; and shall exhibit in evidence their 
official reports and addresses. In the following pages will 
be found numerous extracts from Colonization documents ; 
and it is riglit to observe, that tliey are for the most part, 
merely selections, and bearing generally but a small pro- 
portion to the whole number of extracts to the same point, 
that might have been adduced. Some few of the extracts 
liave been made by other Vi'riters ; but the great mass of 
them have been selected by the author, and in no instance 
has he given a quotation whicli he docs not believe is fairly 
and lionestly made. To prevent mistakes, it may be v. ell 
to mention, that the African Repository is a monthly maga- 
zine, and is, as appears from the title page, "published by 
order of the Managers of the American Colonization Soci- 
ety." The Editor is understood to be the Secretary of the 
Society. This periodical, together with the annual reports, 
and occasional official addresses, are the only publications 
for which the managers of the Society are responsible: 
when Colonization newspapers are mentioned, nothing 
more is intended by the expression, than that they are pa- 
pers which espouse the cause of the Society. 



CHAPTER II. 

INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON THE CONDITION OF FREE 
PERSONS OF COLOR. 

The object of the Society is declared by the Constitu- 
tion, to be exclusively the colonization of free persons of 
color, with their own consent. Now there is nothing in 
this object necessarily benevolent. A colony may be es- 
tablished for commercial purposes, or as a military station, 
2* 



18 AGGRAVATES PREJUDICE. 

or as a receptacle for convicts, or to aid the diffusion of 
Christianity. The absence in tlie Constitution of all avow^ed 
motive for the proposed colony, invites the co-operation of 
all \\ho advocate the scheme from any motive whatever. 
For the purpose of raising money, it is the policy of the 
Society to appeal to all the various and discordant motives 
that can be incited in behalf of the colony. A strong and 
very general prejudice exists against the free blacks. It is 
unfortunately the policy of the Society to aggravate this 
prejudice, since the more we abominate these people, the 
more willing we shall be to pay mioney for the purpose of 
getting rid of them. The influence of the doctrine of ex- 
pediency on good men, will be seen in the unchristian lan- 
guage tliey have used, in regard to this unhappy and op- 
pressed portion of their fellov.'-men. 

"Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves 
themselves." Address of C. C. Harper, Af. Rep. II. 189. 

" A horde of miserable people — the objects of universal 
suspicion — subsisting by plunder," Speech of Gen. Mercer, 
Vice President. 

" Of all classes of our population, the ?nost vicious is that 
of the free colored — contaminated themselves, they ex- 
tend their vices to all around them." Speech of Mr. Clay, 
Vice President, 12lh Report, p. 21. 

"Averse to labor, with no incentives to industry, or mo- 
tives to respect, they maintain a precarious existence by 
petty thefts and plunder." African Rep. VI. 135. 

"They are alike injurious by their conduct and example 
to all other classes of society." Memorial of Ma7ichester 
Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. 

" A large mass of human beings who hang as a vile ex- 
cresce7ice upon society." Address of C. L. Moshy, before a 
Col. Soc. in Virginia. 

" This class of persons a curse and contagion 
wherever they reside." African Rep. III. 203. 

"Of all the descriptions of our population, and of either 
portion of the African race, the free persons of color are 
by far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved and aban- 
doned.'''' Speech of Mr. Clay, African Rep. VI. 12. 

"An anomalous race of beings, the most depraved upon 
earth.''' African Rep. VII. 230. 



EXCUSES OPPRESSION. 19 

" They are a mildew upon our fields, a scourge to our 
backs, and a stain upon our escutcheon." Meviorial of 
Kentucky Col. Soc. to Congress. 

" I will look no farther when I seek for the most de- 
graded, the most abandoned race on the earth, but rest my 
eye on this people." Address before the Lynchburgh Col. 
Spa. 

" There is a class (free blacks) among us, introduced 
by violence, notoriously ignorant, degraded and miserable, 
mentally diseased, broken spirited, acted upon by no mo- 
tives to honorable exertions, scarcely reached in their de- 
basement by the heavenly light." Editorial Article, Afr. 
Rep. I. 68. 

We may here remark, that the tone of these extracts is 
very diflercnt from that used when the speaker desires to 
excite sympatliy for the wretched. We are told that these 
people are vicious and debased, but no hint is given that 
their vice and debasement are the result of sinful prejudices 
and cruel laws. — No appeal is made to the spirit of Chris- 
tianity to pour oil and wine into the wound of suflering 
humanity. We are not reminded tliat these wretches are 
our brethren for whom Christ died. Notliing is omitted to 
impress us with a sense of the depth of the misery into 
which they are plunged ; but for what object are these fright- 
ful pictures presented to us? Is it to urge us to feed the 
hungry, to clothe the naked, to instruct the ignorant, and 
to reform the wicked ! No, but to transport them to Africa ! 

To an unsophisticated Christian it would seem that the 
true waj' of relieving the wretchedness and vice of these 
people would be, first to protest against their unrighteous 
oppression, and to procure the repeal of those laws which 
forbid their instruction ; and then to make them partakers 
of the blessings of education and religion. But far from 
the Colonization Society are all such old fashioned ways of 
doing good. Instead of protesting against the causes of all 
this misery, the society excuses and justifies the 

OPPRESSION OF the FREE NEGROES, AND THE PREJUDICES 
AGAINST THEM. 

" Severe necessity places them (free negroes) in a 
class of degraded beings." Address of Mr. Rives to 
Lynchburgh Col. Soc. Afr. Rep. V. 238. 



20 EXCUSES OPPRESSION. 

" The severe legislation, / will not say that under all 
circumstances it is too severe, the severe legislation of the 
slave States which drives their emancipated blacks to the 
free States, and scatters the nuisance there, attests that we 
have a share in this evil." Speech of G. Smith, Esq. Vice 
President. 14th Report, p. xiii. 

" This law," (a law by which a manumitted negro be- 
comes again a slave if he remains twelve months in the 
state) " odious and unjust as it may at first view appear, 
and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated negro, 
was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its repeal 
would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret than 
by the friends of African colonization. It has restrained 
many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has 
thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil alrea- 
dy too great and formidable." Memorial from Po^vhattan 
Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. 

" I am clear that whether \\c consider it with reference 
to the welfare of the state, or the happiness of the blacks, 
it were better to have left them in chains, than to have li- 
berated them to receive such freedom as they enjoy, and 
greater freedom we cannot, must not allow them." Af. 
Rep. III. 197. 

"The habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society 
— prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor 
education, nor religion itself can subdue, mark the 
people of color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a 
degradation inevitable and incurable.'''' Address of the 
Connecticut Col. Soc. 

"The managers consider it clear that causes exist and 
are now operating to prevent their improvement and eleva- 
tion to any considerable extent as a class in this country, 
which are fixed not only beyond the control of the friends 
of humanity, but of any liuman power: Christianity can- 
not do for them here what it will do for them in Africa. 
This is not tlie fault of the colored man, nor of the white 
man, but an ordination of providence, and no more to 
be changed than the laws of nature.^'' 15th Report, p. 47. 

" We do not ask that the provisions of our Constitution 
and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and ex- 
alt the condition of the colored people whilst they remain 



LAWS AGAINST FREE BLACKS. 21 

vnth US. Let these provisions stand in all their rigor 
to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of these peo- 
ple." Memorial of the New-York State Col. Soc. to the 
Legislature. 

" If we were constrained to admire so uncommon a 
being," (a pious, highly cultivated, scientific negro,) "our 
very admiration would be mingled with disgust, because in 
the physical organization of his frame we meet an insur- 
mountable barrier even to approach to social intercourse, 
and in the Egyptian color which nature has stamped on his 
features, a principle of repulsion so strong as to forbid the 
idea of a communion either of interest or of feeling as ut- 
terly abhorrent." Af. Rep. VII. p. 331. 

We find from the foregoing extracts that the Board of 
Managers of the American Colonization Society oflicially 
declare, that no human power can counteract the causes 
which prevent the elevation and improvement of the free 
black in this country. That not even the religion of Christ 
can in this land of light, of Bibles, and of temples, do for 
him what it can amid the darkness and paganism of Africa. 
And we find a powerful State Society recommending to 
the Legislature to do evil, that good may come. Now if 
it be true, that the degradation of the free blacks is inevi- 
table and cannot even be removed by Christianity, then in- 
deed, as the Society affirms, it is not the " fault" of the 
white man, and he, not being in fault, there is no reason 
why he should change his conduct towards them, or repeal 
those laws which Mr. Smith will not say are under all cir- 
cumstances "too severe." Let us see what are these laws, 
which a most worthy Colonizationist, and a distinguished 
officer of the Society, intimates, are not too severe ; and 
what are those causes of degradation which we are assured 
by the Board of Managers, are an ordination of Providence, 
and no more to be changed than the laws of nature. 

In some of the States, if a free man of color is accused 
of crime, he is denied the benefit of those forms of trial 
wliich the Common Law has established for the protection 
of innocence. Thus, in South Carolina, it is thought quite 
unnecessary to give a Grand and Petit Jury the trouble of 
inquiring into his case : he can be hung without so much 
ceremony. But who is a colored man ? We answer, the 



22 LAWS AGAINST FREE BLACKS. 

fairest man in Carolina, if it can be proved that a drop of 
negro blood flowed in the veins of his mother. The fol- 
lowing extract from a late Charleston paper gives us a cu- 
rious instance of the administration of criminal justice in a 
Christian country in the 19th Century, "trial for mur- 
der — William Tann, a free colored man, was tried on 
Friday last at John's Island, for the murder of Moses, the 
slave of Jos. D. Jenkins, Esq. of that place. The Court 
consisted of William H. Inglesby and Alexander H. Brown, 
Esqrs. Judicial Magistrates" (Justices of the Peace) "of 

this City, together with five freeholders The murder 

was committed at John's Island on the 4th July, 1832, Tann 
shooting down Moses with a musket loaded with buckshot. 
Tann was at that time overseer of a Mr. Murray, and from 
Xhefairness of his complexion was thought to he and passed 
for a WHITE MAN. He was accordingly bound over to 
answer for this offence to the court of sessions, but it 
having been decided on an issue ordered and tried at Wal- 
terborough, for the purpose of ascertaining his caste, that 
he was of mixed blood, he was turned over by the Court, 

to the jurisdiction of Magistrates, and Freeholders the 

Court found him guilty, and sentenced him to be hung on 
Friday the 24th April next," 1835. — Charleston Courier. 

In South Carolina, if a free negro " entertains" a runa- 
way slave, he forfeits ten pounds, and if unable to pay the 
fine, which must be the case ninety-nine times in a hundred, 
he is to be sold as a slave for life. In 1827, a free woman 
and her three children were thus sold, for harbouring two 
slave children. 

In Mississippi, every negro or mulatto, not being able to 
prove himself free, may be sold as a slave. Should the 
certificate of his manumission, or the evidence of his pa- 
rent's freedom, be lost or stolen, he is reduced to hopeless 
bondage. This provision extends to most of the slave 
States, and is in full operation in the District of Columbia. 

In South Carolina, any assembly of free negroes, even in 
the presence of white persons, " in a confined or secret 
place, for the purpose of mental instruction,'^'' is an unlaw- 
ful assembly, and may be dispersed by a magistrate, who 
is authorized to inflict twenty lashes on each free negro at- 
tending the meeting. 



IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DTSOOTrR AOED. 23 

In the city of Savannah, any person who teaches a free 
negro to read or write, incurs a penalty of thirty dollars. 
Of course a father may not instruct his own children. 

In Maryland, a Justice of the Peace may order a free 
negro's ears to be cut off" for striking a white man. In 
Kentucky, for the same oflence, he is to receive thirty 
lashes, " well laid on." The law of Louisiana declares, 
" Free people of color ought never to insult or strike 
white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to 
the whites ; but, o;i the contrary, they ought to yield to 
them on every occasion, and never speak or answer them 
but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment ac- 
cording to the nature of the case." 

The corporation of GeorgetOAvn, in the District of Co- 
lumbia, passed an ordinance, making it penal for any free 
negro to receive from the post-office, have in his possession, 
or circulate, any publication or writing whatsoever of a 
seditious character. 

In North Carolina, the law prohibits a free colored 
man, whatever may be his attainments or ecclesiastical 
authority, to preach tlie gospel. 

In Georgia, a white man is liable to a fine of Jive hundred 
dollars for teaching a free negro to read or write. If one 
free negro teach another, he is to he fined and whipped at 
the discretion of the court ! Should a free negro presume 
to preach to, or exhort his companions, he may be seized 
without warrant, and whipped thirty-nine lashes, and the 
same number of lashes may be applied to each one of his 
congregation. 

In Virginia, should free negroes or their children assem- 
ble at a school to learn reading and writing, any Justice of 
the Peace, may dismiss the school with twenty stripes on the 
back of each pupil. 

In some States, free negroes may not assemble together 
for any purpose, to a greater number than seven. In North 
Carolina, free negroes may not trade, buy, or sell, out of 
the cities or towns in which they reside, under the penalty 
of forfeiting their goods, and receiving in lieu thereof thirty- 
nine lashes. 

The laws of Ohio against the free blacks are peculiarly 
detestable, because not originating from the fears and pre- 



34 IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOrRAGED. 

judices of slave-holders. Not only are the blacks excluded 
in that State from the benefit of public schools, but with a 
refinement of cruelty unparalleled, they are doomed to idle- 
ness and poverty, by a law which renders a white man who 
employs a colored one to labor for him one hour, liable 
for his support through life ! ! 

By a late law of Maryland, a free negro coming into the 
State, is liable to a fine of fifty dollars for every week he 
remains in it. If he cannot pay the fine, he is sold. 

In Louisiana, the penalty for instructing a free black in a 
Sunday School, is, for the first oftence, five hundred dollars ; 
for the second oflence, death ! ! 

Such, in a greater or less degree, is the situation of 
three hundred thousand of our fellow-citizens ; and the 
only comfort, the only consolation, the only mitigation of 
their sufferings, which a Society, said to be " full of bene- 
volence, and the hallowed impulses of Heaven's own mer- 
cy," proposes, or even ^tu'shes for them, is their transpor- 
tation to Africa ! 

Is this a harsh assertion ? Let us attend to the proofs 
that THE Society discourages all attempts to im- 
prove THE condition OF THE FREE BLACKS. 

We have already seen, that the managers of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society officially declare, that, in their 
opinion, no human power can remove the causes which 
prevent the improvement and elevation of the free negroes 
to any considerable extent in this country ; and tliat the 
New York Society, in addressing the Legislature, express 
their desire, tliat the provisions in the constitution and sta- 
tute book of that State relative to the blacks, may " sfa7id 
in all their rigor.'''' The provision in the constitution 
here alluded to, is that recent one, which, by requiring a 
freehold qualification, virtually deprived the blacks of the 
elective franchise, which the fathers of the revolution had 
given them. In the Convention by wiiich the new consti- 
tution was formed, many of the most distinguished citizens 
and able lawyers, including Kufus King and Chancellor 
Kent, had protested against this proscription as unjust and 
anti-republican ; but the Colonization Society declare to 
the Legislature, without whose consent this provision can- 
not be changed, that they wish it to stand in all its riir'"' 



IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. 25 

Not contented with giving their sanction to past acts of in- 
justice, the Society use their influence with the Legislature 
to prevent its benevolent operation in future. Their Me- 
morial proceeds : — " Persuaded that their condition here is 
not susceptible of a radical and pennanent improvement, loe 
would deprecate any legislation that should encourage the 
vain and injurious hope of it." 

The Connecticut Colonization Society, in their address 
already quoted, denies that even " religion itself'' can 
subdue the prejudices existing against these people. The 
same address authoritatively decides, that the free blacks 
"constitute a class by themselves, a class out of which no 
individual can he elevated.'''' 

The Kentucky State Colonization Society, in their offi- 
cial address, say, " It is against this increase of colored 
])ersons, who take but a nominal freedom, and cannot rise 
from their degraded condition, that this Society attempts 
"to provide." Af. Rep. VI. 82. 

" The people of color must, in this country, remain for 
ages, probably forever, a separate and distinct caste, 
weighed down by causes powerful, universal, invincible, 
which neither legislation, nor Christianity, can remove." 
Af. Rep. Edit. Art. VII. 196. 

" We have endeavored, but in vain, to restore them (the 
free negroes) either to self respect, or to the respect of 
others. It is not our fault that we have failed. It is not 
theirs. Ii has resulted from a cause over which neither we 
nor they can ever have control.'''' Speech of Rev. Dr. Nott 
before N. York Col. Soc. 

This last extract claims attention from the extraordinary 
assertions which it contains, and from the high character of 
the author. No explanations are given of the vain endea- 
vors which have been made to restore the blacks either to 
self respect, or to the respect of others. When, where, by 
whom, and how were these efforts made ? Dr. Nott is ad- 
dressing the State Society, and speaks in the plural num- 
ber. We confess we see nothing like such efforts in the 
Memorial of that Society to the Legislature. It is more- 
over to be recollected, that the American Society, in its 
address to its auxiliaries, warns them against such efforts. 



26 IMPROVEMENT OF FREE BLACKS DISCOURAGED. 

" The moral, intellectual, and political improvement of 
people of color within the United States, are objects foreign 
to the powers of this Society." Address of the Am. Col. 
Soc. to its auxiliaries. Af. Rep. VII. 291. 

Let us see also what two religious colonization papers 
say on this subject. 

" If the free peojjle of color were generally taught to 
read, it might be an inducement to them to remain in this 
country; we would ofler them no such inducements." South- 
ern Religious Telegraph, Feb. 19, 1831. 

" It must appear evident to all, that every endeavor to 
divert the attention of the community, or even a portion of 
the means which the present crisis so imperatively calls 
for, from the Colonization Society, to measures calculated 
to bind the colored population to this country, and seeking 
to raise them to a level with the whites, whether by found- 
ing colleges, or in any other way, tends directly in the pro- 
portion that it succeeds, to counteract and thwart the whole 
plan of colonization.'''' New Haven Religious Intelligen- 
cer, July, 1831. 

We perceive from these extracts, that the improvement 
of the free blacks is represented by Colonizationists as im- 
possible, and of course it is folly to attempt what is imprac- 
ticable. The very attempt, moreover, is calculated to 
counteract and thwart the whole plan of Colonization, as 
far as it succeeds. But this is not all. Some might think 
the obligations of Christianity required us to instruct the 
ignorant, and to succor the oppressed. To remove this 
prejudice, we are assured that even Christianity cannot 
help the negro in America ! When before, has the power of 
our blessed religion in changing the heart, subduing evil 
aiTections, and removing unholy prejudices, been questioned 
by professing Christians ? 

The influence of the gospel of Christ, has led thousands 
and tens of thousands to oiler themselves as willing victims 
at the stake or in the amphitheatre — it has prostrated the 
temples, the altars, and the gods of paganism — it has tri- 
umphed over ancient and endeared superstitions — it has 
delivered the Hindoo from the fetters of caste, and tamed 
the North American savage, and yet according to Coloniza- 



NUMBER SENT TO AFRICA. 27 

tionists, it is utterly impotent, when brought into collision 
with the prejudices of American Christians, towards an un- 
happy portion of their fellow countrymen ! 

And what unsuccessful experiments justify this deprecia- 
tion of the gospel of Jesus Christ ? When have those who 
thus speak of the ineHicacy of religion in subduing these 
sinful prejudices, tried its power? When have Coloniza- 
tionists warned Christians that the negro is created by the 
same Almighty Being, descended from the same parent, re- 
deemed by the same Saviour, and made an heir of the same 
immortality with themselves ? When have we been reminded 
by them of that heart-searching declaration which will bo 
uttered by the Judge at the last day, " inasmuch as ye did 
it not to one of the least of these my brethren, ye did it not 
to me V 

Admitting that the blacks who have gone to Africa have 
improved their condition, what is the total amount of good 
thus efl'ected ? Of the 319,407 free negroes in the United 
States, 2,122 have in the last 18 years been sent to Liberia. 
Supposing them to be happy in their new abode, at what 
a deplorable sacrifice of the happiness of their bretliren 
here, has their own been purchased ! To raise funds for 
,heir transportation, our churches and halls, in all parts of 
he United States, have rung with reproaches and accusa- 
ions against the free people of color. Orators, preachers, 
egislators, have denounced them as nuisances, vile excres- 
ences on the body politic ; ignorant, depraved, debased, 
nd utterly incapable of improvement and elevation. The 
iws oppressing them have been vindicated, and all legis- 
ition deprecated, that would even encourage the hope of 
leir permanent improvement. 
And is it possible that this general and united effort to 
revent these people from rising, and to render them 
Jious to the community, should have no practical effect on 
•Hiblic opinion and conduct ? Already do we hear their for- 
"^le expulsion from the country, urged in petitions, and 
advocated in our State Legislatures. lie must be wilfully 
blind to passing events, who does not perceive that the per- 
secution of these people is increasing in extent and malig- 
nity. Lafayette remarked in his last visit with astonish- 
ment, the aggravation of the prejudices against the blacks. 



28 COLONIZATION INFLUENCE IN CONNECTICUT. 

and stated that in the revolutionary war, the black and 
white soldiers messed together without hesitation. 

In no instance, perhaps, has Colonization had so direct 
and obvious an influence in augmenting the injuries and 
oppression of this unhappy race, as in Connecticut. To 
that State have good men long rejoiced to look as to a 
bright pattern of a Christian republic. There they beheld 
political liberty in its highest perfection, and so divested by 
the influence of religion, of those irregularities of conduct 
which too often attend it, that the State was proverbially 
distinguished as "the land of steady habits." In no part 
of the world were the blessings of education more highly 
valued, or more generally difliised. The Colonization 
Society had there taken a strong hold on the aflections of 
the people, and had found in Connecticut, divines and 
politicians, and in the religious periodicals of New-Haven, 
zealous and able champions. 

The city of New-IIaven had been long, alike distin- 
guished for its literary institutions, and for the sobriety and 
piety of its inhabitants. It is not, therefore, surprising 
that some of the most intelligent and influential of our 
colored citizens, were led to beUeve that New-Haven would 
be a proper site for a school for their children, and that 
such a school would there find generous patrons. In 1831, 
a convention was held in Philadelphia of delegates from 
the free colored people in othor States, and it was deter- 
mined that an effort should be made' to raise funds for " a 
Collegiate school, on the manual labor system." A com- 
mittee was appointed to carry the plan into execution. 
This committee published in Philadelphia, " An appeal to 
the benevolent," in which they stated the necessity of the 
proposed school, on account of the difliculty which colored 
children experienced in gaining admission into ordinary 
seminaries, or mechanical establishments ; and that the 
proposed seminary would be located at New-Haven, and 
" established on the self supporting system, so that the 
student may cultivate habits of industry, and obtain a useful 
mechanical or agricultural profession, while pursuing 
classical studies." 

Bishops White and Onderdonk, and the Rev. Doctors 
Mc Auley, Bedell, and Ely, of Philadelphia, gave the Com- 



PROGRESS IN NEW-HAVEN. 29 

mittee written certificates of their approbation, of the edu- 
cation of colored youth. Little, alas, did tliese gentlemen 
anticipate the feeling this efibrt would excite, among the 
Christians of New Haven. No sooner had intelligence of 
the intended school reached that city, than the mayor sum- 
moned a town meeting " to take into consideration a scheme, 
said to be in progress, for the establishment in this city of a 
college for the education of colored youth." The meeting 
was held on the 8th September, 1831, and it was " Re- 
solved by the Mayor, Aldermen, Common Council, and 
free men of the city of New Haven, in city meeting assem- 
bled, that we will resist the establishment of the proposed 
college in this place by every lawful means." This reso- 
lution was preceded by a preamble, stating that " in con- 
nexion with this establishment, the immediate abolition of 
slavery in the United States, is not only recommended and 
encouraged by the advocates of the proposed college, but 
demanded as a right," and " that the propagation of senti- 
ments, favorable to the immediate emancipatioji of slaves, 
in disregard of the civil institutions of the States to which 
they belong, and as auxiliary thereto, the contemporaneous 
founding of colleges for educating colored people, is an un- 
warrantable and dangerous interference with the internal 
concerns of other States, and ought to be discouraged." 

That the education of colored citizens in Connecticut, 
is an unwarrantable interference with the internal concerns 
of other States, and that the friends of the proposed college 
ever recommended the immediate emancipation of slaves 
in disregard of the civil institutions of the States to which 
they belong, are assertions which the Mayor, Aldermen, 
Common Council, and free men of the city of New Haven, 
prudently permitted to rest on their own authority, without 
adducing any other evidence of their truth. 

But surely, the pious and excellent Colonizationists of 
New Haven, who are so anxious to civilize the natives of 
Africa, must have been indignant at tliis attempt to keep 
Americans in ignorance. Alas, in that crowded assembly, 
there was but one voice raised against its unholy resolution, 
and that was the voice of a decided Anti-colonizationist, 
the Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, while one of the public advocates 
of the resolution, was the Secretary of the New Haven 
3* 



30 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 

Committee of Correspondence of the American Colonization 
Society. 

The Colonization party in New Haven, could have pre- 
vented this high handed oppression, but their influence was 
exerted not for, but against the improvement and elevation 
of their colored brethren. 

Unhappily for the character of Connecticut, for that of 
our common country, and even of Christianity itself, the 
proceedings in New Haven were but the commencement of 
a series of outrages on justice, humanity, and the rights of 
freemen. 

There are occasions on which it is treason to truth and 
honor, if not to religion, to suppress our indignation; and 
while we shall scrupulously adhere to truth in relating the 
measures pursued in Connecticut, to prevent the education 
of a certain class of colored persons, we shall not shrink 
from a free expression of our opinions pf those measures, 
and of their authors. 

Miss Crandall, a communicant in tlie Baptist church, 
and, as we believe, a lady of irreproachable character, had 
for some time been at the head of a female boarding school, 
in the town of Canterbury, Connecticut, when in the au- 
tumn of 1832, a pious colored female applied to her for 
admission into her school, stating that she wanted " to get 
a little more learning — enough if possible to teach colored 
children." After some hesitation. Miss Crandall consented 
to admit her, but v.as soon informed that this intruder must 
be dismissed, or that the school would be greatly injured. 
This threat turned her attention to the cruel prejudices 
and disadvantages under which the blacks are suffering, 
and she resolved to open a school exclnsiiiehj for colored 
girls. It has been thought expedient to doubt the philan- 
thropy of tliis resolution, and to attribute it to pecuniary 
motives. Whatever may have been her motives, and pecu- 
niary ones would not have been unlawful, she had a perfect 
right to open a school for pupils of any color whatever, and 
had not the moral sense of the community been perrerted, 
this attempt to instruct the poor, the friendless, and the 
ignorant, would have met with applause instead of con- 
tumely. She discontinued her school, and in February, 
1833, gave public notice of her intention to open one for 



l^ROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 31 

colored girls. This notice excited prodigious commotion 
in the town of Canterbury. That black girls should pre- 
sume to learn reading, and writing, and music, and geogra- 
phy, was past all bearing. Committee after committee 
waited on Miss Crandall, to remonstrate against the intend- 
ed school, but to no purpose. More efficient means were 
found necessary to avert the impending calamity, and a 
legal town meeting was summoned to consider the awful 
crisis. At this meeting resolutions were passed, expressing 
the strongest disapprobation of the proposed school, and 
the preamble declared that " the obvious tendency of this 
school would be to collect within the town of Canterbury, 
large numbers of persons from other States, whose charac- 
ters and habits might be various and unknown to us, there- 
by rendering insecure the persons, property, and reputa- 
tions of our citizens." Had this extreme nervous appre- 
hension of danger, been excited in the good people of 
Canterbury, by the introduction of some hundreds of Irish 
laborers into their village to construct a rail road or canal, 
we should still have thought their temperament very pecu- 
liar ; but when we find them thus affecting to tremble not 
merely for their property, but for their persons and reputa- 
tions, at the approach of fifteen or twenty •' young ladies 
and little misses of color," we confess we are astonished 
that the collected wisdom of these people was not able to 
frame an argument against the school, less disgraceful to 
themselves. 

Andrew T. Judson, Esq. acted as clerk to this meeting, 
and supported the resolutions in a speech, in which he is 
reported to have said, " that should the school go into 
operation, their sons and daughters would be forever ruined, 
and property no longer safe." For his part, he was not 
willing for the honor and welfare of the town, that even 
one corner of it should be appropriated to such a purpose. 
After the example which New Haven had set, he continued, 
" shall it be said that we cannot, that we dare not resist ?" 
Mr. Judson farther stated, that they had " a law which 
should prevent that school from going into operation." 

The resolutions of the town meeting, as became so grave 
a matter, were communicated to Miss Crandall by the 
•'civil authority and selectmen," but strange as it may seem, 



32 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 

that lady stood less in dread of them, than they did of the 
" young ladies of color," for she refused to retreat from the 
ground she had taken. 

The example of New Haven, we have seen, was held up 
to the people of Canterbury by Mr. Judson, for their en- 
couragement, and as an earnest of their ultimate success. 
Still the cases were not exactly similar. " The civil autho- 
rity and selectmen" of Canterbury, had not the imposing 
array of power and influence displayed by " the Mayor, 
Aldermen, Common Council, and freemen of the city of 
New Haven." The latter, by the mere expression of their 
opinion, had prevented the establishment of a college for 
colored youth ; the former were set at naught by an unpro- 
tected female. Some means more efficacious than the ful- 
minations of a town meeting were, therefore, next to be 
tried. Mr. Judson had indeed a certain law in reserve, 
but it was necessary that certain influences should be pre- 
viously brought into action, before a civilized and Christian 
people could be induced to tolerate the application of that 
law. Colonization, as already remarked, had taken a deep 
hold on the aflections of the people of Connecticut. Their 
most eminent men had enrolled themselves in the ranks of 
the Society. To this powerful association recourse was 
now had. On the 22d March, 1833, the " civil authority 
and selectmen" of Canterbury made their " appeal to the 
American Colonization Society." In this most extra- 
ordinary paper, they expatiate on the benevolence of the 
Society towards the colored population, and deplore the 
opposition it encounters from certain individuals who have 
formed "the Anti-Slavery Society." These men, they as- 
sert, wish to admit the blacks " into the bosom of our so- 
ciety," and would "justify intermarriages with the white 
people." They then recite their own grievances, detail 
the proceedings of their town-meeting, dwell on Miss Cran- 
dall's pertinacity in pursuing her own plans, express their 
horror of abolition principles, and state that Mr. Garrison 
had said that the excitement in Canterbury " is one of the 
genuine flowers of the Colonization garden ;" and they add, 
" Be it so, we appeal to the American Colonization So- 
ciety, to which our statement is addressed — we appeal to 



PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 33 

every philanthropist and to every Christian !" Mr. Judson's 
name appears at the head of the signers to the appeal. 

Had Miss Crandall appealed to the Society in behalf of 
her school, she would probably and very properly have been 
told that the subject of her school was not embraced in the 
constitutional objects of the Society ; and may we not ask, 
if the Society has no right to encourage, has it any right to 
discourage the establishment of schools of any description 
whatever ? In the singleness of its object it has often been 
compared to the Bible Society ; what would have been 
thought of such an appeal to the American Bible Society ? 
How the appeal was answered we shall presently see. 

Having thus identified their cause with that of the Colo- 
nization Society, and secured the sympathy of its nume- 
rous and powerful friends in Connecticut, Mr. Judson and 
his associates proceeded to further operations. Foiled in 
their attempts to persuade or intimidate, they now resolved 
on coercion. On the first April, another town-meeting 
was convened, at which it was "Voted that a petition in 
behalf of the town of Canterbury, to the next General As- 
sembly, be drawn up in suitable language, deprecating the 
evil consequences of bringing from other towns and other 
States people of color for any purpose, and more especially 
for the purpose of disseminating the principles and doctrines 

opposed to THE BENEVOLENT COLONIZATION SYSTEM, pray- 
ing said assembly to pass and enact such laws as in their 
wisdom will prevent the evil." Mr. Judson, with others, 
was appointed a Committee to prepare the petition, and to 
request other towns to forward similar petitions. The ma- 
lignity of this vote is equalled only by its absurdity. The 
desired law is to prevent the evil of blacks passing not only 
from other States, but other towns. Every black citizen of 
Connecticut is to be imprisoned in the town in which the 
law happens to find him, and he may not travel into the ad- 
joining town for " any purpose," and all this especially to 
prevent interference with " the benevolent Colonization 
system." 

Did the Colonization Society protest against such an 
outrage being committed in its behalf — did it indignantly 
disclaim all connexion, all sympathy with men, who in its 
name, were striving to perpetrate such abominable tyranny? 



34 PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 

It is not known, that in any way whatever, it has ever ex- 
pressed its disapprobation of these proceedings. Certain it 
is, that the effect of the " appeal" and of this vote, was not 
such as to induce the Canterbury gentlemen to falter in 
their career — we have seen that Mr. Judson had a law, 
which was to arrest the school. When the " appeal" had 
been before the public just one month, the selectmen re- 
solved to avail themselves of this law. 

Among the pupils of Miss Crandall, was a colored girl 
about seventeen years of age, who had come from Rhode- 
Island to enjoy the advantages of the school. The pursuit 
of knowledge under discouraging difficulties has rarely fail- 
ed to excite applause ; and the virtuous struggles of the 
poor and obscure to improve and elevate themselves, claim 
the sympathy of Christian benevolence. In the present in- 
stance we behold a youthful female, of a despised and de- 
pressed race, attempting to emerge from the ignorance and 
degradation into which she had been cast by birth ; and 
abandoning her home and friends, and travelling to another 
State, applying for instruction to the only seminary in the 
whole country open to receive her. And now let us see 
what sympathy this poor and defenceless, but innocent and 
praiseworthy girl, experienced from the admirers of " the 
benevolent Colonization system." On the day after her 
arrival, she was ordered by the selectmen to leave the town. 
This order, as illegal as it was inhumane, was disregarded ; 
and on the 22nd April, Mr. Judson and his fellow function- 
aries instituted on behalf of the town, a suit against her 
under an old vagrant act of Connecticut, and a writ was 
issued to the sheriff, to require her appearance before a Jus- 
tice of the Peace. The writ recited, that according to the 
statute she had forfeited to the town $1.62 for each day 
she had remained in it, since she was ordered to depart ; 
and that in default of payment, she was to be whipped 

ON THE NAKED BODY NOT EXCEEDING TEN STRIPES, Unless 

she departed within ten days after conviction. The barba- 
rous and obsolete law under which this suit was brought, 
was intended to protect towns from the intrusion of pau- 
pers who might become chargeable. The friends of the 
school had offered to give the selectmen bonds to any 
amount, to^ecure the town from all cost on account of the 



PROCEEDINGS IN CANTERBURY. 35 

pupils ; and of course this suit was a wicked perversion of 
the law, and the plaintiff's ought to have been indicted, for 
a malicious prosecution under color of office. With equal 
propriety might the civil authority of New Haven warn a 
student in Yale College from New York to leave the city, 
and on his refusal, order him to be whipped on the naked 
body as a vagrant pauper. 

About the time of the return of this writ, the Legisla- 
ture of Connecticut assembled, and so successfully had the 
Canterbury persecution been identified with Colonization, 
that a law was passed to suppress the school, and all others 
of a similar character. Its preamble declared that " at- 
tempts have been made to establish literary institutions in 
this State for the instruction of colored persons belonging 
to other States and countries, which would tend to the great 
increase of the colored population of this State, and there- 
by to the injury of the people." The act provides, that 
every person, who shall set up or establish any school, 
academy, or literary institution, for the instruction or edu- 
cation of colored persons who are not inhabitants of Con- 
necticut ; or who shall teach in such school, or who shall 
board any colored pupil of such school, not an inhabitant of 
the State, shall forfeit one hundred dollars for the first of- 
fence, two hundred dollars for the second, and so on, doub- 
ling for each succeeding offence, unless the consent of the 
civil authority, and select men of the town, be previously 
obtained. 

Mr. Judson's late attempt to enforce the whipping law, 

reminded the Legislature of the propriety of abolishing that 

I relic of barbarism, and it was accordingly repealed, and 

thus were the backs of Miss Crandall's pupils saved from 

the threatened laceration. 

It is painful and mortifying to reflect on the law ob- 
tained by Mr. Judson and his associates, for the suppression 
of the school, and which has very generally received the 
title of " the Connecticut Black Act." It is an act alien 
to the habits, the character, the religion of Connecticut. 
It is an act which neither policy nor duty can vindicate. 
It is an act which will afford its authors no consolation in 
the prospect of their final account, and which their child- 
ren will blush to remember. 



36 ACT OF CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE. 

It is not surprising that a Connecticut Legislature, about 
to pass a law, for the discouragement of learning, should 
wish for an excuse ; nor that they should find themselves 
constrained to invent one. Miss Crandall had fifteen or 
twenty girls in her school, and it does not appear that the 
Legislature had ascertained how many of them had come 
from other States, nor that they had inquired into the 
amount of injury sustained by the citizens of Canterbury 
in their " persons, property, and reputations," from these 
"misses of color ;" and yet they unhesitatingly assert, that 
the " increase" of the colored population in the State oc- 
casioned by such schools, would be " great ;" and that 
such increase would tend to the " injury of the people." 
To test the truth of these two assertions, let it be recol- 
lected, first, that no evidence existed that any other semi- 
nary for blacks was at this time contemplated in Connec- 
ticut ; and that the free colored people are, as a class, sunk 
in abject poverty, and that very lew of them have the 
means of sending their children from other States into Con- 
necticut, and there maintaining them at school ; and, se- 
condly, that no portion of this population would be so lit- 
tle likely to occasion " injury to the people," as those who 
were placed at a religious school, and instructed in morals 
and literature. As to the sincerity of the apprehensions 
felt by the Legislature, let it be further recollected, that the 
law is intended to prevent the ingress of such blacks only 
as might come for the honorable and virtuous purpose of 
education, while not the slightest impediment is opposed to 
the introduction of cooks, waiters, scullions, shoeblacks, 
&c., in any number. The best are excluded, the worst 
freely admitted. / 

We have seen that Colonizationists regard all attempts 
to elevate the free blacks, as an interference with their sys- 
tem, and the Black Act is admirably calculated to prevent 
such attempts. Connecticut closes her schools to blacks 
from New York and elsewhere. If this is right, and what 
State more religious than Connecticut, other States may 
be expected to follow her example. Hence no seminary, 
in any one State, for the instruction of the blacks, can be 
founded by their joint contributions ; — from the academies, 
boarding schools, and colleges of the whites, they are al- 



ACT OF CONNECTICUT LEGISLATURE. 37 

ready excluded ; of course, they are — doomed to perpetual 
ignorance. Let each State, it is said, instruct its own 
youth. It is well for Yale College that this doctrine is ap- 
plied only to black aspirants for knowledge. 

In 1828, an African Mission Scliool was established at 
Hartford, for the purpose of educating colored youth, " to 
be selected from our numerous African population," and, 
of course, from other States besides Connecticut. It was 
under the patronage of the Bishops of the Protestant Epis- 
copal Church in the United States. No outcry was ex- 
cited against this school ; no citizen of Hartford trembled 
for his property, person, or reputation. Why not? Be- 
cause the school was auxiliary to Colonization, and those 
instructed in it were to be sent out of the country. 

No sooner was the passage of the Black Act known in 
Canterbury, than this triumph over justice, humanity, and 
constitutional liberty, was celebrated by a/ew de joie, and 
the ringing of bells. Nor was the act permitted to remain 
a dead letter. Miss Crandall was prosecuted under it, and 
being unable to procure bail, was committed to prison. 
The next day bail was obtained, and she returned to her 
school. Well, indeed, might the public press, with some 
memorable exceptions, execrate the Black Act; and well, 
indeed, miglit Mr. Judson feel impatient, under the obloquy 
that was falling upon him, as the chief instigator and ma- 
nager of the prosecution. " A friend in need, is a friend 
indeed." And 7iow was the time when he needed and re- 
ceived that countenance, for which he had appealed to the 
Colonization Society. It was ijot probably expected tliat 
fhe managers of the parent Society would officially notice 
the appeal, but a mode was devised, on the part of Con- 
necticut Colonizationists, of publicly expressing their ap- 
probation of Mr. Judson's conduct. On the anniversary of 
the declaration that " all men are created equal," and a 
few days after Miss Crandall's imprisonment, the "Windham 
County* Colonization Society convened, and appointed Mr. 
Judson their orator and agent, thus proclaiming that he 
was the man they delighted to honor. Another response to 
the appeal, was in a few days heard from New York. The 
chairman of the executive committee of the New York City 
♦ The county in which Canterbury is situated. 

4 



38 TKIAL OF MISS CRANDALL. 

Colonization Society, is the editor of the New York Com- 
mercial Advertiser, and its columns were loaded with cri- 
minations of Miss Crandall, and vindications of the Black. 
Act. " The inhabitants of Canterbury" were declared to 
be " as quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoflensive people, as 
can be named in the United States." The constitutionahty 
of the Black Act v.as broadly maintained, and it was averred 
to be "just such a law in its spirit, if not in its provisions, 
as we are in the constant practice of enforcing in this city, 
to prevent our charitable institutions from being filled to 
overflowing with black paupers from the South, and white 
paupers from Europe." Of the gentleman who drafted the 
Black Act, the public were assured, " a warmer heart than 
his throbs in few bosoms, and the African race has no 
firmer friend than him."* 

On the 23d of August, Miss Crandall Avas brought to 
trial. The crime with which she was charged, was fully 
proved. One of the witnesses testified : " The school is 
usually opened and closed with prayer ; the Scriptures arc 
read and explained in the school daily ; portions are com- 
mitted to memory by the pupils, and considered part of 
their education." 

The orator and agent of the Windham Colonization 
Soeiely, opened the case on the part of the prosecution, 
and to this gentleman, it is believed, belongs the distinction 
of having been the first man in New England to propound 
publicly the doctrine, that free colored persons are not citi- 
zens. This doctrine was essential to the validity of the 
Black Act, since by the federal Constitution, citizens of one 
State are entitled to all tlse privileges of citizenship in every 
other State; and the Act prohibited colored persons 
from other States from going to school in Connecticut, a 
prohibition palpably unconstitutional, if free blacks are citi- 
zens. The presiding Judge submitted the cause to the 
jury without comment ; and some of them having scruples 
about Mr. Judson's new doctrine, refused to agree in a ver- 
dict of guilty, and a new trial was consequently ordered. 
In the ensuing October, Miss Crandall was again placed 
at the bar, Avhile the vice president of the New Haven 
Colonization Society, Judge Daggett, took his seat on the 

♦ Com. Adv. July 16 and 29, 1333. 



TUIAL or MISS CUANDALL. 39 

ttench. Tlie cause against tlie defendant v\'as again argued 
by the Windham Colonization orator and agent ; and Judge 
Daggett, warned by the result of the preceding trial, of 
the necessity of enlightening the consciences of the jury, 
delivered an elaborate charge. Rarely has any Judge en- 
joyed such an opportunity of defending the poor and father- 
less, of doing justice to the afflicted and needy, of delivering 
(he spoiled out of the hand of the oppressor. The me- 
rits of the cause turned on the simple question whether free 
blacks are citizens or not. We might have presumed that 
a Judge, aware of his solemn responsibility, would have 
prepared himself for the decision of this momentous ques- 
tion, by the most patient and thorough research. On the 
opinion he might pronounce, would perhaps rest the future 
education, comfort, freedom, and not unlikely, everlasting 
happiness of multitudes of his fellow men. Under such cir- 
cumstances, the public had a right to expect, that he would 
resort to every source of information ; that he would con- 
sult the opinions of eminent statesmen and jurists, investi- 
gate the constitutional history of the rights of these people ; 
study the proceedings of Congress in relation to them, and 
bring together such a mass of focts, such an array of ar- 
guments, as would prove that his decision, whatever it 
might be, was the result of conscientious inquiry, and that 
the bench was elevated far above the prejudices and pas- 
sions, which had brought to the bar an innocent and be- 
nevolent female. 

The Judge, in his charge, expresses himself in the fol- 
lowing words :* " Arc the free people of color citizens ? 
I answer, no." The grounds on which this answer is given, 
appear to be the following : 

1st. " They are not so styled in the Constitution of the 
United States. In that clause of the Constitution whicli 
fixes the basis of representation, there was an opportunity 
to have called them citizens, if they were so considered. 
But that makes free persons (adding three fifths of all other 
persons) the basis of representation and taxation." 

The words of the Constitution referred to by the Judge, 

» We quote from a newspaper report of the charge, and have no know- 
ledge that the accuracy of the report has ever been denied, 



40 JUDGE Daggett's charge. 

are, (Art. 1. Sec. 3.) " Representatives and direct taxes 
shall be apportioned among the several States which may 
be included within this Union, according to their respective 
numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the 
whole number of free persons, including those bound to 
service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
taxed, three fifths of all other persons." 

Now, it seems, free colored persons cannot be citizens, 
because they are not in this section sO called ; but unfortu- 
nately free lohitc persons are not called citizens, and they 
also must therefore be disfranchised ! Apprentices (" those 
bound to service for a term of years,") are likewise inclu- 
ded among free persons, and they also cannot be citizens ! 

Had free white persons been spoken of as citizens, and 
free black persons only as " persons," then indeed there 
would have been some force in the Judge's first reason ; 
but as there is not the sliglitest reference in the Constitu- 
tion to the complexion of the " free persons," we cannot 
understand the argument, and proceed, therefore, to his 

2d reason. " They (free negroes) are not so styled, (citi- 
zens,) so far as I am aware, in the laws of Congress, or of 
any of the States." 

It would thus seem that men with Mack skins cannot be 
citizens, unless the laws expressly declare them to be so. 
So far as we are aware, men with red hair are not styled 
citizens in the laws of Congress, or of any of the States. 

3d reason. " His Honor then read from Kent's Com- 
mentary, Vol. II. p. 210, a note in which the commentator 
speaks of the degraded condition of the blacks, and the dis- 
abilities under which they labor, and thence inferred that, 
in Kent's opinion, they were not citizens." 

Had the Judge found it convenient to consult the text of 
this learned and independent jurist, the following passage 
M'ould have saved him the trouble of drawing an inference. 

" The article in the Constitution of the United States, 
declaring that citizens of each State were entitled to all the 
privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States, 
applies to natural born or duly naturalized citizens, and if 
they remove from one State to another, they are entitled to 
the privileges that persons of the same description are en- 
titled to in the State to which the removal is made, and to 



JUDGE Daggett's charge. 41 

none other. If, therefore, for instance, free persons of 
color are not entitled to vote in Carolina, free persons of 
color emigrating there from a Northern State would not be 
entitled to vote." Here is an express admission of the 
citizenship of free colored persons, and their case is cited 
to illustrate the rights of citizens under the federal Consti- 
tution. If a free black, according to the Commentary, 
moving from one State to another, is, under the federal 
Constitution, entitled only to such privileges as the free 
blacks in the latter State enjoy, it follows irresistibly that 
he is entitled to such privileges as the free blacks do there 
enjoy. Now, the free blacks of Connecticut enjoy a legal 
right to go to school, and to any school that will receive 
them ; hence, according to Chancellor Kent, a free black 
removing from another State into Connecticut, has the 
same right, and hence the Black Act is plain!}- and palpably 
unconstitutional. 

4th "Another reason for believing that people of color 
are not considered citizens, is found in the fact, that when 
the United States Constitution was adopted, every State 
except Massachusetts tolerated slavery." 

Why a free black man cannot be a citizen, because 
another black man is a slave, is a problem we confess our- 
selves unable to solve. 

Such are the arguments, and the only ones adduced by 
the Judge, to support his portentous decision — a decision 
which tends to strip the free negro of his property and 
rights ; renders him an alien in the land of his birth ; ex- 
poses him to contumely and oppression, and prepares the 
way for his forcible deportation to the shores of Aft-ica. 

In order to do full justice to Judge Daggett, it may be 
proper to notice his answers to objections, since these an- 
swers may perhaps be regarded as negative arguments. To 
the assertion that free blacks own vessels which participate 
in the peculiar privileges of American shipping, and that 
they sue in the United States courts, he simply replied, that 
these claims have never been settled by judicial decisions. 
To the argument that free blacks may be guilty of high 
treason, he replied, " So may any person Avho resides un- 
der the government, and enjoys its protection, if he rises 
up against it." 

4. 



42 FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. 

Having thus fairly stated the Judge's arguments, we will 
now take the liberty of presenting a {ew facts having an 
important bearing on this question ; facts, be it remember- 
ed, that were accessible to the Judge, had he thought it 
worth while to look for them. 

By the fourth of the " Articles of Confederation," it was 
provided, that " the free inhabitants of these States shall 
be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of free citi- 
zens in the several States." While these articles were un- 
der consideration in Congress, it appears from the journals, 
that on the 25th June, 1778, " the delegates from South 
Carolina moved the following amendment in behalf of their 
State — ' In Article fourth, between the words free inhabit- 
ants, insert white.' Passed in the negative — Ayes 2 States, 
Nays 8 States — 1 State divided." Here then was a solemn 
decision of the revolutionary Congress, that free negroes 
should be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of 
free citizens in the several States. Judge Daggett thinks 
that the Constitution of the United States did not regard 
free blacks as citizens, because in 1788 all the States with 
one exception tolerated slavery ; yet in 1778, Congress de- 
cided that free blacks were citizens, although all the States, 
without one exception, tolerated slavery. Ten years after 
this decision, the new Constitution ^vas formed, and the 
clause respecting citizenship in the several States was 
transferred to it from the Articles of Confederation, with 
slight verbal alterations. That the clause embraced free 
negroes, at the lime it was transferred, Avas settled by the 
vote we have quoted — no words were added to exclude 
them ; no intimation was given that the new Constitution 
was disfranchising thousands, and tens of thousands, who 
Congress had declared were invested with all the rights 
and immunities of free citizens. No desire was expressed 
to disfranchise these people, and in the debates on the Con- 
stitution, this disfranchisement Avas never alluded to either 
in the language of praise or of censure, — and for more than 
forty years after the adoption of the Constitution, no sus- 
picion existed that it had divested the free blacks of the 
citizenship they enjoyed under the confederation, till the 
discovery was made by the agent and orator of the Wind- 
ham Colonization Society, and juridically announced by 



FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. 43 

the "Vice President of the New Haven Colonization So- 
ciety. 

Judge Daggett " is not aware that free blacks are styled 
citizens in the laws of Congress or of any of the States /" 
How laborious has been his search for such laws, we shall 
now see. Probably the Judge will admit that when the 
laws speak of male citizens, they recognize the existence of 
female citizens; and most Judges would admit, that where 
the law speaks of white citizens, they recognize the exist- 
ence of citizens who are not white. 

The act of Congress of 1792, for organizing the militia, 
provides for the enrolment of '■'■ (xee white male citizens." 

The act of Congress of 1803, " to prevent the importa- 
tion of certain persons into certain States, when by the 
laws thereof their admission is prohibited," enacts that 
masters and captains of vessels shall not "import or bring, 
or cause to be imported or brought, any negro, tnulatto, or 
other person of color, not being a native, a citizen, or regis- 
tered seaman of the United States," &c. 

The Constitution of Judge Daggett's own State, limits 
the right of suffrage to " free white male citizens." Why 
male citizens if there are no female citizens; and why 
white citizens, if there can be no colored ones ? Seven or 
eight State Constitutions, in the same manner, recognize 
the existence of colored citizens. Had the Judge extended 
his inquiries into State laws, to those of Massachusetts, he 
would have found one prohibiting any negro, " other than a 
CITIZEN of the United States," or a subject of the Emperor 
of Morocco, from tarrying, in the Commonwealth, longer 
than two months. Had he taken the trouble to consult the 
statute book of New York, he would have found the fol- 
lowing clause in the act relative to elections, viz. : " If the 
'person so offering to vote be a colored man, the following 
oath shall be tendered to him. ' You do swear (or affirm) 
that you are of the age of twenty-one years, that for three 
years you have been a CITIZEN of this state,' " &c. 
Revised Statues, 1. 134. 

Had the Judge condescended to look into the debates of 
the New York Convention of 1821, on the question of ad- 
mitting the free blacks to the right of suffrage, he would 
have discovered to his astonishment, that the New York 



44 FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. 

lawyers and judges had no hesitation in admitting these 
people to be citizens, whatever might be their objections to 
permitting them to vote. He would have found Chancellor 
Kent earnestly contending for their rights to citizenship in 
other States under the federal Constitution. He would 
have found Rufus King, (no mean authority) concluding an 
argument in their behalf with these words — " As certainly 
as the children of any white man are citizens, so certainly 
the children of the black man are citizens." 

Had the Judge opened the Constitution of the State of 
New York, he would have met with a clause in the Article 
respecting the elective franchise, declaring, " No man of 
color, unless he shall have been three years a CITIZEN 

OF THIS STATE," &.C. 

On the 4th of September, 1826, Governor Clinton, of 
New York, addressed a letter to the President of the 
Fiiited States, demanding the immediate liberation of Gil- 
bert Horton, a colored man, as "A CITIZEN of this State," 
he having been impi'isoned in Washington as a fugitive 
slave. 

In every State in the Union, we believe without one ex- 
ception, a native free born negro may legally take, hold, 
and convey real estate, "Will Judge Daggett deny this to 
be an attribute of citizenship ?* Will he maintain that any 
but citizens may exercise the right of suffrage ? But in 
eight or ten States free negroes may legally vote. True it 
is, that in others this privilege is denied to them, but -it is 
not true that none are citizens who cannot vote. The act 
of Congress respecting naturalization provides, that in a 
certain case, the widow and children of a deceased alien 
"shall be citizens of the United States." 

Impressed colored sailors have been claimed by the Na- 
tional government as " citizens of the United States ;" and 
colored men going to Europe have received passports 
from the department of State, certifying that they were citi- 
zens of the United States. 

The proposed Constitution of the new State of Missouri 

♦ Real estate in the city of New York to the value of 50,000 dollars was 
lately devised to a free colored man in that city, but according to the Judge 
he is not a citizen, and of course cannot take by devise. If so, the pro- 
perty must go to the heir at law, or escheat to the State. 



FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. TO 

required the Legislature to pass such laws as might be 
necessary " to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from 
coming to settle in the State, under any pretext whatever." 
The Legislature of New York, in reference to this pro- 
vision, on the 15th November, 1830, " Resolved, if the pro- 
visions contained in any proposed Constitution of a new 
State deny to any citizens of the existing States the privi- 
leges and immunities of citizens of such new State, that 
such proposed Constitution should not be accepted or con- 
firmed, the same, in the opinion of this Legislature, being 
void by the Constitution of the United States." This re- 
solution was adopted in high party times, by an almost 
unanimous vote. 

The Constitution being submitted to Congress, the article 
excluding colored citizens, was deemed by the House of 
Representatives a violation of the national compact, and 
that body refused to receive Missouri into the Union. A 
compromise was at last agreed to, and Congress admitted 
Missouri on the express condition that the offensive clause 
in her Constitution should never authorize any law by 
which any citizen of any of the States should be excluded 
from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities 
to which such citizen is entitled by the Constitution of the 
United States ; and that the Legislature of Missouri should 
by a solemn Act declare their assent to this condition. The 
Legislature passed the Act required, and thereupon the 
State became a member of the Union. Yet Judge Daggett 
is not aware of any Act of Congress recognizing free blacks 
as citizens ! 

Admit free negroes to be men, and to be horn free in 
the United States, and it is impossible to frame even a 
plausible argument against their citizenship. The only ar- 
gument on this point, we have ever met with, in which the 
conclusion is legitimately deduced from the premises, is by 
a late writer,* who maintains that the negroes are a distinct 
race of animals. Now it must be conceded, that the negro, 
if not a human being, is not a citizen. We recommend 

* The author of " Evidences against the views of the Abohtionists, con- 
sisting of physical and moral proofs of the natural inferiority of the ne- 
groes?' New York, 1833. 



46 FREE BLACKS CITIZENS. 

the following reasoning, to the future judicial apologists of 
the Black Act. 

" His (the negro's) lips are thick — his zygomatic mus- 
cles large and full — his jaws large and projecting — his chin 
retreating — his forehead low, flat and slanting, and as a con- 
sequence of this latter character, his eye balls are very pro- 
minent, apparently larger than those of white men. All of 
these peculiarities at the same time contributing to reduce 
his facial angle almost to a level with the brute. If then 
it is consistent with science to believe, that the mind will 
be great in proportion to the size and figure of the brain, 
it is equally reasonable to suppose that the acknowledged 
meanness of the negro's intellect only coincides with the 
shape of his head ; or in other words, that his want of ca- 
pability to receive a complicated education, renders it im- 
proper and impolitic that he should be allowed the privileges 
of CITIZENSHIP in an enlightened country." P. 25, 26. 
The author is an ultra Colonizationist, and the conclusion 
to which he arrives is, " let the blacks be removed, nolens 
volens, from among us." 

We have dwelt the longer on the Connecticut decision, 
on account of its immense importance to a numerous class 
of our fellow countrymen. The victims of a cruel preju- 
dice, and of wicked laws, they especially claimed the aid 
and sympathy of the humane, when striving to elevate them- 
selves by the acquisition of useful knowledge. But Judge 
Daggett's doctrine crushes them to the earth. Denounced 
by a powerful Society, extending its influence over every 
part of our country, as "Nuisances," and judicially declared 
not to be citizens, they are delivered over to the tormentors, 
bound hand and foot. If not citizens, they may be dispos- 
sessed of their dwellings, for they cannot legally hold real 
estate— ^they may be denied the means of a livelihood, and 
forbidden to buy and sell, or to practise any trade, for they 
are no longer protected by the Constitution of the United 
States. Nay, they may be expelled from town to town, 
and from State to State, till finding no resting place for the 
soles of their feet, they "consent" to embark for Africa. 

However inconclusive we are disposed to regard Judge 
Daggett's arguments, they were satisfactory to the jury, and 
a verdict was given against Miss Crandall. The cause was 



NEW-HAVEN PETITION. 47 

removed to the Connecticut Court of Errors, where all the 
proceedings were set aside on technical grounds. Certain 
of the " quiet, peaceable, humane, and inoffensive people 
of Canterbury," tired with the law's delay, determined on 
ejecting the school by a summary process, and accordingly 
mobbed the house by night, and smashed in the windows. 
It was now discovered, that it was the "persons" of inoffen- 
sive females, and not of Mr. Judson and his associates, that 
were endangered, and the school was abandoned, — thus 
were the eflbrts of the admirers of "the benevolent system of 
Colonization" crowned with entire success. 

Soon after Judge Daggett's decision, a most inflamma- 
tory pctilion to the Connecticut legislature, was circulated 
in New-Haven. We quote from a printed copy. " If 
they (the negroes) have rights, we humbly hope it is not 
yet too late to presume that the white man also, the only 
legal native American citizen, whom we shall ever consent 
to acknowledge, may be permitted to suggest that he has 
some rights. — If he (the white man) purchases a piece of 
land, the first negro, who locates near him, deteriorates its 
value from 20 to 50 per cent. ; for who will have a negro 
neighborhood, or live in unceasing fear of theft and tres- 
passes. The white man cannot labor upon equal terms with 
the negro — he is compelled to yield the market to the Afri- 
can, and with his family ultimately becomes the tenant of 
an Alms-house, or is driven from the State to seek a better 
lot in the western wilds. Thus have thousands of our 
most valuable citizens been banished from home and kin- 
dred, for the accommodation of the most debased race that 
the civilized Avorld has ever seen." The petitioners, as 
might be supposed, are Colonizationists. " If the negro 
cannot consistently with our interest or owv feelings be ad- 
mitted to the same rights that we enjoy, let him seek a 
country where he will find those who are his equals ; let vs 
unite in aiding him to reach that country.'''' 

It has never been denied, that good men belong to the 
Colonization Society ; and it ought not to be denied, that 
even good men are fallible, and subject to erroneous opinions 
and unwarrantable prejudices. To us it appears unques- 
tionable, that the facts developed in the preceding pages, 



48 COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 

prove a tendency in the Society to excite in the community, 
a persecuting spirit towards the free blacks. That the 
pious, and respectable members of the Society, detest the 
horrible outrages, recently committed upon these people in 
New-York, Philadelphia, and elsewhere, it would be both 
foolish and wicked to doubt ; and yet no one who candidly 
and patiently investigates the whole subject, can fail to be 
convinced that these outrages never would have happened, 
had the Society never existed. The assertion is not 
hazardous, that of the multitudes composing the negro 
iTiobs, there was not an individual, less disposed than the 
Canterbury town meeting, to laud the " benevolent Colo- 
nization system." Every wretch who participated in beat- 
ing, and plundering free negroes, would rejoice in their ex- 
pulsion from their country, and in the Society he beholds 
an instrument for the accomplishment of his wishes. 

But how is it possible that the best and the worst of men, 
can unite in supporting the same institution ? In the first 
place, these good men, as is abundantly evident from their 
own confessions, are actuated by motives of supposed pub- 
lic policy, as well as benevolence, in promoting the coloni- 
zation of people whom they regard as nuisances ; and in 
the second place, there are in the constitution, three talis- 
manic words, which through the influence of existing preju- 
dices have blinded the eyes of these good men to the prac- 
tical operation of the Society on the colored people. The 
words are "with their consent." It is speciously ar- 
gued, if the free blacks consent to go to Africa, why not 
send them ? if they do not wish to go, they are at liberty to 
remain. This argument seems for the most part, to have 
benumbed* the consciences and understandings of Coloniza- 
tionists, as to the cruel persecution which their Society ne- 
cessarily encourages. They would be horrified at the idea 
of their agents scouring the country, and seizing men, wo- 
men, and children, placing them on the rack, till as joint 
after joint was dislocated, the sufl^ering wretches consented 
to go to Africa ; and yet the Society feels no compunction 
in countenancing legal opposition, having the same ulti- 
mate object in vievA% and in transporting negroes whose con- 
sent they well know, has been extorted by the most abomi- 



COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 49 

nable persecution. Many will feel disposed to deny the 
truth of these assertions; but not, we trust, after seeing the 
proof of them, which we will now proceed to offer. 

We have already adverted to the cruel laws by which 
these people are oppressed, and kept, purposely kept, in 
ignorance and degradation. Now let it be recollected, that 
with but few exceptions, these fews have been either 
enacted, or are kept in force by legislatures, which have 
formally and in their legislative capacity, passed resolutions 
in favor of the Society. Fourteen States have thus avowed 
their attachment to Colonization. Now had these States, 
including Connecticut, Ohio, and several of the slave States, 
repealed their laws against the free blacks, and forborne to 
enact new ones; their sincerity in approving a plan for the 
removal of these people with their consent would have been 
less questionable, than it is now, when they persist in the 
course of policy well calculated to coerce that consent. 
The Society appears to be a particular favorite with the 
slave States, with the exception of South Carolina, where 
its true character seems to have been misunderstood. 

Now hear the acknowledgment of a Southern writer. 
We have before us the fourth edition, 1834, of "A Trea- 
tise on the Patriarchal System of Society :" by a Florida 
slave holder. It is a treatise, in sober earnestness, on the 
means of perpetuating slavery, and increasing its profits. 
The author says, p. 12 — " Colonization in Africa has been 
proposed to the free colored people: to forward which, o. 
general system of persecution against them, upheld from 
the pulpit, has been legalized throughout the Southern 
States." The writer does not explain his allusion to the 
Southern pulpit ; but we may judge of its influence on the 
condition of the free blacks, from the avowal already 
quoted from the Southern Religious Telegraph, of its 
repugnance to these people being taught to read, because 
such an acquirement would be an inducement with them to 
remain in this country ; or, in other words, that the better 
they were treated here, the less likely would they be to con- 
sent to go to Africa. 

The Legislatures of Maryland and Virginia, it is well 
known, have made large appropriations for Colonization, 
and yet these Legislatures are among the most malignant 
5 



50 COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 

persecutoi's of tlie free blacks. The original bill, making the 
Virginia appropriation, contained a clause for the compul- 
sory transportation of free blacks. Let it be recollected, 
that the Colonization Society has ever been the peculiar 
favorite of Virginia, and that her moyt distinguished citi- 
zens have been enrolled among its officers ; and let us now 
see how Colonization has been promoted in that State. On 
a motion to strike out the compulsory clause, Mr. Brodnax 
thus expressed \n\XiSQ\i against the motion: 

"It is idle to talk about not resorting to force. 
Every body must look to the introduction of force of some 
kind or other. If the free negroes are willing to go, they 
will go ; if not willing, they must be compelled to go. 
Some gentlemen think it politic not now to insert this 
feature in the bill, though they proclaim their readiness to 
resort to it when it becomes necessary ; they think, that 
for a year or two, a sufficient number will consent to go, 
and THEN the rest can be compelled. For my part, I 
deem it better to approach the question and settle it at 
once, and avow it openly. The intelligent portion of the 
free negroes know very Avell what is going on. Will they 
not see your debates ? Will they not see that coercion is 
ultimately to be resorted to. I have already expressed 
it as my opinion, that few, very few, will voluntarily con- 
sent to emigrate, if no compulsory measures he adopted. 
Without it, you will still, no doubt, have applicants for 
removal equal to your means. Yes, sir, people who AvilJ 
not only consent, but beg you to deport them. But what 
sort of consent — a consent extorted by a species of oppres- 
sion, calculated to render their situation among us insup- 
portable ! Many of those who have been already sent oft', 
went with their avowed consent, but under the influence 
of a more decided compulsion, than any which this bill 
holds out. I will not express in its fullest extent, the idea 
I entertain of what has been done, or xvhat enormities will 
he perpetrated to induce this class of persons to leave the 
State. Who does not know that when a free negro, by 
crime or otherwise, has rendered himself obnoxious to a 
neighborhood, how easy it is for a party to visit him one 
night, take him from his bed and family, and apply to 
him the gentle admonition of a severe flagellation, to induce 



COMPULSORY EJllGRATlOX. 51i 

him to go away. In a few nights the dose can be repeated, 
perhaps increased, until, in the language of the physicians, 
quantum suff. has been administered, to produce the de- 
sired operation, and the fellow becomes perfectly willing to 
move away. I have certainly heard, (if incorrectly, the 
gentleman from Southampton will put me right) that all 
the large cargo of emigrants, lately transported from that 
country to Liberia, all of whom professed to be ivilling to 
go, were rendered so by some such ministration as I have 
described. Indeed, sir, all of us look to force of some 
kind or other, direct or indirect, moral or physical, legal 
or illegal." 

Another member, Mr. Fisher, in opposing the motion, 
said, "If we wait till the free negroes consent to leave the 
State, we shall Vj^ait until time is no more. They never 
will give their consent. He believed if the compulsory 
principle were stricken out, this class would be forced to 
leave by the harsh treatment of the whites.''' 

The compulsory clause w^as stricken out, but we have 
the assurance of Mr. Brodnax, that they who objected to it 
at present, were ready to resort to force, whenever it should 
become necessary; and he tells us, that all look io force 
of some kind or other ; and he might have added, " all of 
tis look to the Colonization Society as the instrument by 
which the forcible expulsion of the free negroes is to be 
eft'ected." Nor do they look in vain. At the very time 
that the negroes of Southampton were suffering the barba- 
lities he describes, the managers of the Society addressed 
their auxiliaries, urging them to increased efforts in raising 
funds, and alluding to the excitement occasioned by the 
insurrection at Southampton, remarked, " the free people 
of color have awakened from their slumber, to a keen sense 
of their situation, and are ready in large numbers, to emi- 
grate to the Colony of Liberia." Address, 17th Nov. 1831. 

A large number of these miserable people did indeed 
consent to go to Africa, and the managers well knew how 
their consent was obtained. " I warned the managers 
against this Virginia business," said Mr. Breckenridge in 
his speech before the Society, " and yet they sent out two 
shiploads of vagabonds, not lit to go to such a place, and 



52 COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 

that were coerced away as truly as if it had been done with 
a cartvvhip." i 

Hear the confession of Mr. Gurley, the Secretary of the 
Society, on this subject — " Our friends at Norfolk appealed 
to us, and said the people were persecuted, and that it was 
a matter of humanity to take them. Our agent said they 
were driven from the county, and had appealed to him, and 
begged to go to Liberia." Speech before the Society. 

Hear the testimony of Thomas C. Brown from Liberia, 
given in May, 1834. " I am acquainted with several from 
Southampton County, Virginia, who informed me that they 
received several hundred lashes from the patroles to make 
them willing to go. In one instance, a man was several 
times compelled to witness the lashes inflicted on his wife, 
and then to be severely flogged himself. In another instance, 
a family received information from their white neighbors, 
that unless they went to Liberia, they should be whipped. 
Having no means of redress, they were obliged to go." 

Hear the New York Colonization Society, when address- 
ing the public — "We say to them (the free blacks) we 
think you may improve your condition by going thither, but 
if you prefer remaining here, you Avill be protected and 
treated loith kindness.'''' Proceedings of New-York Col. 
Soc. 183L 

Hear the same Society, when addressing the Legisla- 
ture — " We do not ask that the provisions of our constitu- 
tion and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and 
exalt the condition of the colored people while they re- 
main with us. Let these provisions stand in all their 
RIGOR, to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of 
this people." In plain English, to coerce their consent to 
go to Africa. Memorial to New York Legislature, 1832. 

We have seen what are the Connecticut and Virginia 
plans for promoting Colonization — now for the Pennsyl- 
vania plan. At a public meeting held in the borough of 
Columbia, (Penn.) at the Town Hall, 23d August, 1834, the 
following, among other resolutions, were unanimously 
passed. 

" Resolved, that we will not purchase any articles that 
can be procured elsewhere, or give our vote for any office 



COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 53 

whatever, to any one who employs negroes to do that spe- 
cies of labor white men have been accustomed to perform. 

" Resolved, that the Colonization Society ought to he 
fiupported hy all the citizens favorable to the removal of the 
blacks frojn this cotmtry." 

Here we find the support of the Society avowedly cou- 
pled with a most detestable plan of persecution. And now 
for the practical operation of this meeting of the friends of 
the " benevolent Colonization system." It appears from a 
Columbia paper, that one or two nights after the meeting, a 
mob collected, and partly tore down the dwelling of a black 
man ; they then proceeded to the office of another black 
man, who had had the presumption to deal in lumber, " a 
species of labor %vhite men had been accustomed to per- 
form," broke open the windows and door, rifled the desk, 
scattered the papers in the street, and attempted to overturn 
the building. Surely the Society may reasonably antici- 
pate the consent of the blacks to emigrate, when in Con- 
necticut, Pennsylvania, and Virginia, such cogent arguments 
are used to obtain it. Were the Society governed, as it 
ought to be, by Christian principles, it would shrink from 
encouraging persecution by accomplishing its object, the 
exportation of its victims. It would say explicitly to the 
authors of these atrocities, " you shall gain nothing by your 
cruelty, through our instrumentality. We will not en- 
courage your farther persecutions, by removing those 
whose consent you have obtained by such unjustifiable 
means ; we will not, to please you, 

" Keep the word of promise to the ear, 
And break it to the hope." 

But alas, it has virtually given ofliicial notice that it will 
j transport all whose consent can be obtained, no matter by 
n what barbarity. Hear the declaration of Mr. Gurley, the 
I Secretary of the Society. 

i " Should they (free blacks) be urged by any stress 
OF ciRctTMSTANCEs to scek an asylum beyond the limits of 
the United States, humanity and religion will alike dictate 
that they should be assisted to remove and establish them 
selves in freedom and prosperity in the land of their 
CHOICE." — Letter to gentlemen in New York. 



54 COMPULSORY EMIGRATION. 

True it is, the free blacks have been rendered by preju- 
dice and persecution, an ignorant and degraded class ; but 
they are still competent to appreciate the practical character 
of Colonization philanthropy. 

The following resolutions, passed by a meeting of free 
blacks in New Bedford, in 1832, express the unanimous 
opinion of all their brethren who have intelligence to form, 
or courage to express an opinion on the subject. 

" Resolved, that in whatever light we view the Coloniza- 
tion Society, we discover nothing in it but terror, prejudice, 
and oppression. The warm and beneficent hand of philan- 
thropy is not apparent in the system, but the influence of 
the Society on public opinion is more prejudicial to the in- 
terests and welfare of the people of color in the United 
States, than slavery itself. 

" Resolved, that the Society, to eflect its purpose, the re- 
moval of free people of color (not the slaves) through its 
agents, teaches the public to believe that it is patriotic and 
benevolent to withhold from us knowledge, and the means 
of acquiring subsistence ; and to look upon us as unnatural 
and illegal residents in this country, and thus by the force 
of prejudice, if not by law, endeavor to compel us to em- 
bark for Africa, and that too apparently by our own free 
will and consent." 

And now let us ask what purpose is to be answered by 
persecuting this people, and keeping them ignorant and 
degraded ? Does any one believe that they will ever be 
removed from the country ? They now amount to 362,000. 
In 16 years, 2,162 have been sent away, some at first volun- 
tarily, but many of them through coercion. But can cru- 
elty, be it ever so extreme, furnish the Society with funds 
and ships sufficient to transport such a multitude ? They 
must, in spite of Connecticut and Virginia persecution, re- 
main with us. And if they are to remain with us, what con- 
duct towards them, do policy and religion prescribe ? Con- 
duct precisely opposite to that pursued by the Society. We 
must instruct and elevate them, if we would not be incum- 
bered by an ignorant and depraved population ; we must 
treat them with justice and kindness if we would avoid the 
displeasure of him who has declared, " Ye shall not op- 
press one another." 



CHAPTER III. 

INFLUENCE OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY ON AFRICA- 
SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. 

Very many, who now despair of extirpating slavery by 
means of the Society, continue to support it, from a belief 
that it will confer rich blessings on Africa. These antici- 
pated blessings are the suppression of the slave trade, and 
the diffusion of religion and civilization. Let us at present 
inquire, how far the first may reasonably be expected. 

In the declarations of the Society, and its members on 
this subject, we shall find an astonishing medley of igno- 
rance, rash assertion, and honest confession. 

" Sierra Leone has repaid Africa with still greater bless- 
ings ; her example, her influence and efforts, have given 
peace and security to the neighboring coast ; and who can 
estimate the extent of misery prevented, and of happiness 
conferred, to a population delivered from all the horrors ot 
the slave trade." Fifth Re]}, p. 18. 

" The line of coast from Sierra Leone to Cape Mount, 
is now under British protection ; and from Cape Mount to 
Tradetown,a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, the 
slave trade cannot he prosecuted with the least hope of 
success.^'' Af. Rep. II. p. 125 — Editorial. 

" Every colony of civilized inhabitants, established on 
that coast, and resolved to stop this trade to the extent of 
its means, will, at all events, put an end to it for a consi- 
derable distance. The colonies of Sierra Leone, and of 
Liberia, both produce this effect within their respective vi- 
cinities." Judge Blackford's Address to Indiana Coloni- 
zation Society. Af. Rep. VI. p. 66. 

Of these compliments to Sierra Leone, it must be ob- 
served, one is paid officially by the Board of Managers, 
and the other by the Editor of the Repository. We beg 
the reader to keep them in mind, as we shall hereafter in- 
quire into their truth. We will now proceed to notice 
some assertions relative to the agency of the Liberia co- 
lony in suppressing the slave trade. 



56 SLAVE TRADE. 

" In fact, the Colonization Society proposes the only 
means by which this accursed trade can ever be effectually 
stopped ; and, indeed, the Colony of Liberia, which this 
Society has planted, has already freed abovt tivo hundred 
and fifty miles of that coast from the ravages of these ene- 
mies of the human race.'''' Address of J. A. 31c Kinney, 
4th July, 1830. Af Rep. VI. p. 231. 

" The flag that waves on Cape Montserado, proclaims to 
the slave trader that there is one spot, even in Africa, con- 
secrated to freedom, one spot which his polluted foot shall 
not tread.^'' Speech of G. Smith, V. Prest. 13th Jaii. 
1831. 14th Rep. 

" Did we desire to put an end to these outrages upon hu- 
manity, (the slave trade,) the Colonization Society ofl'ers it- 
self as the ON'LV efficient means. The slaver has dared to 
show herself but once within the limits of Liberia, and then 
she received the rewards of her temerity." Proceedings 
of N. Y. Col. Soc. 1832. 

" No slaver now dares come within one hundred miles 
of the settlement.'''' Rev. Dr. Hawhes'' Speech at Col. 
Meeting in New York, Oct. 1833. 

" In less than 13 years since its foundation, Liberia con- 
tains about 3000 free and happy citizens, who have re- 
moved from oppression and bondage to the enjoyment of 
liberal institutions. The slave trade has been utterly 
DESTROYED aloHg its ENTIRE COAST, formerly the most 
frequented mart of human flesh." Report of Philadelphia 
Young Men's Col. Soc. made 24th Feb. 1835, U. S. Ga- 
zette, 4th March, 1835. 

The above are specimens of the assertions which have 
been rashly made, and credulously received. Let us now 
attend to the honest confessions on this subject, and let the 
reader compare them with the foregoing assertions. That 
these confessions may be better understood, it may be 
well to mention, that in the remarks accompanying a map 
of Liberia, published in the 6th vol. of the African Reposi- 
tory, it is stated, " the colony of Liberia extends from the 
Gailinas River to the territory of Kroo Settra, a distance 
of about 280 miles along the coast. The territory at pre- 
sent, (1830,) under the gc^maZ jurisdiction of the colony, ex- 
tends from Grand Cape Mount, to Trade Town, a distance 



SLAVE TRADE. 67 

of about 150 miles." It appears, from the map, that the 
last limits embrace Cape Mount, Cape Montserado, on 
which is built the town of Monrovia, Bushrod Island, Bassa 
Cove, and Trade Town. 

" The records of the colony afibrd abundant and unequi- 
vocal testimony of the undiminished extent and atrocity of 
the slave trade. From eight lo ten, and even fifteen vessels 
have engaged at the same time in this odious traffic, almost 
within reach of the guns of Liberia, and as late as July 
1825, there were existing contracts for eight hundred 
slaves to be furnished in the short space of four months, 

WITHIN EIGHT MILES OF MONROVIA." Rep. X. p. 44, 

1827. 

" From all I can learn, I am induced to believe, that the 
slave trade is now carried on at the Gallinas, between Cape 
Mount and Sierra Leone, and to the leeward of this place, 
to a greater extent than it has been for many years." Let- 
ter from R. Randall, Agent at Liberia, 28th Dec. 1828. 
Af. Rep. V. p. 4. 

" Frequently within sight of the colonial factories, 
the slave traders carry on their operations. The slave 
trade never has been carried on with more activity, than it 
is at this time. There is established at Gallinas, a regular 
slave agent, who furnishes slaves to the slave vessels. He 
receives his goods from trading vessels, and it is said prin- 
cipally from an American vessel. He purchases large 
numbers of slaves, and furnishes the slave vessels, who 
principally bring out specie. These vessels run up and 
down the coast until a convenient opportunity offers, when 
they run in and get their cargoes of slaves. Some of 
them are captured, and I have been informed, they have 
been bought afterwards by their original owners, and that 
the same vessel has frequently been bought and sold seve- 
ral times." Letter from R. Randall, Agent at Liberia, 
Feb. 1829. Af Rep. V. p. 148. The same letter states 
the astounding fact, that " Mamma, the proprietress of 
Bushrod Island, just in front of Monrovia, whose town is 
not more than a quarter of a mile from our settlements on 
that island," was engaged in the slave trade, and had sold 
several hundred — p. 150. 

" It is painful to state, that the managers have reason 



58 SLAVE TRADE. 

to believe that the slave trade is still prosecuted to a great 
extent, and with circumstances of 7indinnnished atrocity. 
The fact that much was done by Mr. Ashmun to banish it 
from the territory, under the colonial jurisdiction, is un- 
questionably true, but it 7iow exists even on the territory; 
and a little to the north and south of Liberia, it is seen in its 
true characters of fraud, and rapine, and blood." Rep. 
XIII. p. 13.— 1830. 

Now, be it recollected, that it was after this official an- 
nunciation by the Board of Managers, that the slave trade 
existed even on the territory of Liberia, that the African 
Repository published without contradiction the vaunt of 
Mr. M'Kinney already quoted, that the Colony had freed 
about two hundred and fifty miles of the coast from the slave 
trade ! 

" I hope the Board will adopt some more effectual 
measures for suppressing the slave trade within the territory 
of Liberia. Since the death of Don Miguel of Bassa, 
Peter Blanco, a Spanish slave trader, for some years a 
resident in the Gallinas, has opened a slave factory at 
Grand Cape Mount. Such a thing ought not to be, as it 
is only forty-five miles from here. I am sorry to remark, 
that this abominable trafiic is carried on with the utmost 
activity, all along the coast. Capt. Parker, during his 
trading at the Gallinas of about three weeks, saw no less 
than nine hundred shipped." Letter from A. D. Williams, 
Ascent of the Society at Liberia, — 10th Sept. 1830. Af 
Rep. VI. p. 275. 

" With undiminished atrocity and activity is this odious 
traffic now carried on all along the African coast; slave fac- 
tories are established in the immediate vicinity of the co- 
lony,'' &lc. Rep. XIV. p. 11.— 1831. 

" The cursed practice of slave trading, I regret to say, 
is still carried on between this and Sierra Leone.'" Letter 
of Rev. Mr. Cox ; Monrovia, 9th of April, 1833. Af. Rep. 
iX. p. 252. 

" Bassa Cove was purchased* by Governor Pinney from 

* Bassa Cove is situated between Monrovia and Trade Town, and lias 
therefore been for years under tlie jurisdiction of the colony; of course the 
purchase alluded to, must have been of the possession of the native occu- 
pants. 



SLAVE TRADE. 59 

King Joe Harris, the native sovereign of that fine harbor. 
It was bought at a moderate price, and without a drop of 
spirits. The negociation was eftected in November last, 
1834, and aft'ords peculiar satisfaction to the friends of hu- 
manity, inasmuch as no less than 500 SLAVES had been 
shipped from there in October.''^ N. Y. Commercial Ad- 
vertiser, nth March, 1835. The same fact is stated in the 
" Colonization Herald,'''' 4.th April, 1835. 

Such are the refutations furnished by the Society 
itself, of all its boasts about suppressing the slave trade ; 
and yet we are told that the Society is the only means of 
putting an end to the traffic ! It seems never to occur to 
these gentlemen, that the abolition of slavery would, as a 
matter of course, put an immediate and total stop to the 
trade.* 

But in what way does the Society expect to destroy this 
commerce? By planting colonies of ignorant and depraved 
negroes on the African coast. Every slave factory is of itself 
a colony, and for the most part, of intelligent ivhite men ; 
and yet it is supposed, that negro colonists, who, when in 
America, were " the most depraved of the human race," 
will be too virtuous to yield to the temptations of a lucra- 
tive commerce. Why, should the free negroes of America, 
who Mr. Clay assures us, are " of all descriptions of our 
population, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned," 
have, when removed to Liberia, a greater abhorrence for 
the iniquity of the slave trade, than their brethren of Sierra 
Leone ? If the trade has been actually promoted by the 
latter colony, why will it be suppressed by the former? 

" The acting Attorney General of Sierra Leone de- 
clared, 1812, on the trial of certain persons for the infrac- 
tion of the British abolition laws, that the town of Sierra 
Leone was ' the heart from which all the arteries and veins 
of the Slave trading system, had for years been animated 
and supplied.' " Dr. Thorpe's views of the present increase 
of the slave trade, p. 71. 

The following facts are gathered from documents pub- 

* To what extent the importation of slaves in tlie United States is now 
carried, we are isnorant. In 1819, Mr. Middleton of South Carohna, stated 
on the floor of Congress, that, in his opinion, 13,0iX) Africans were annually 
smuggled into the Southern States. Mr. Wright of Virginia, estimated 
the number at 15,000. 



60 SLAVE TRADE. 

lished by the British Parliament in 1833. Chief Justice 
Jeffcott of Sierra Leone, in 1830, delivered a charge to the 
Grand Jury, in which he declared that he had received 
credible information, that persons in the colony Avere en- 
gaged in aiding and abetting the slave trade, and fitting our 
ships for the trade. He asserted, that the colony " esta- 
blished for the express purpose of suppressing this vile 
traffic, was made a mart for carrying it on^ He also 
stated, that within the last ten years, twenty-two thousand 
Africans had been located in the colony by the British 
Government, at an expense of nearly seven millions ster- 
ling, and that now there are not to be found in the colony 
above seventeen or eighteen thousand men ! These extra- 
ordinary and appalling declarations, attracted the atten- 
tion of the British Government, who appointed a Commis- 
sion to inquire into their truth. The Commissioners, in 
their report, dated the 26th October of the same year, state 
that, from the testimony taken before them, " they cannot 
but conclude, that the nefarious system of kidnapping has 
prevailed in this colony to a much greater extent, than was 
even alluded to in the charge of the Chief Justice." From 
the testimony published with the report, it appears that the 
slave vessels are in the habit of bringing out specie, for the 
purchase of supplies on the coast; and that "Mr. Hilary 
Teague, who resides at the American settlement at Liberia, 
at Cape Mesurado, near the Gallinas, and who trades be- 
tween that place (Gallinas, a slave factory) and Sierra Le- 
one, purchasing some goods from a Mr. Lake, a merchant 
in the colony, produced a bag containing about one thou- 
sand dollars, on which was marked the name of the Spanish 
schooner Manzanares. This vessel took in her cargo at 
the Gallinas, and was subsequently condemned as a slave 
ship." 

Here we find a colonist of Liberia, trading at a slave 
factory, and afterwards exhibiting 1000 dollars in specie, 
received in all human probability from a slave ship. It is 
surely unreasonable to suppose, that petty colonial mer- 
chants will refuse to sell supplies to slave ships for specie. 
Indeed every new colony on the coast, will, while slavery 
continues, give new facilities to this accursed commerce ; 
nor can the government at home, prevent avaricious and 



INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON AFRICA. 61 

unprincipled colonists from participating in it. No one 
can question the desire of Great Britain to purge Sierra 
Leone of this enormity, and yet we find the following 
statement in the English Monthly Review, for May, 
1833. "One of the Schoolmasters in Sierra Leone, has 
been tried for selling some of his scholars. There were 
lately upwards of one hundred liberated Africans, who 
were kidnapped from Sierra Leone, and were conveyed 
to a place near the banks of the river Pongos. Here they 
were detained, till an opportunity occurred of re-shipping 
them as slaves." 



CHAPTER IV. 

INFLUENCE OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY ON AFRICA 

DIFFUSION OF CIVILIZATION AND CHRISTIANITY. 

Although the Society is not a missionary institution, 
builds no churches, employs no ministers, and distributes 
no Bibles or tracts, yet it has persuaded the public, that 
Liberia is a missionary establishment, and the radiating 
point, from which a flood of light and holiness is to spread 
over Africa. So confidently and constantly has the mis- 
sionary influence of the Society been asserted, that many 
of the members unfeignedly believe it, and their contribu- 
tions are lavished, and their prayers are ofiered for the re- 
generation of Africa by emigrants, Avho, when in the United 
States, were denounced as " a curse and contagion wherever 
they reside." Let us attend to the stupendous objects the 
Society proposes to accomplish. 

"It would illuminate a continent. It would publish 
the name of Christ on the dark mountains of Africa, and 
the burning sands of the desert. It would kindle up holi- 
ness and hope among uncounted tribes, whose souls are as 
black with crime and misery, as are the forms of matter 
that veil them." Af. Rep. I. 164. Editorial. 

" The little band at Liberia, Avho are spreading over the 
wilderness around them, a strange aspect of life and beauty, 
are in every sense a missionary station. Every ship freight- 
C 



63 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 

ed from our shores with their sufiering kindred, will be 
freighted also Avith the heralds of the cross. You will see 
the light breaking in upon one and another dark habitation 
of cruelty. The night of heathenism will depart. One 
• tribe after another will come to the light of Zion, and the 
brightness of her rising. Ethiopia will awake and rise from 
the dust, and look abroad on the day and stretch forth her 
hand to God. The light will spread and kindle and brighten 
till ALL THE FIFTY MILLIONS of Africa are brought to the 
glorious liberty of the sons of God." Address to the Ken- 
tucTiy Col. Society by Mr. Breckenridge. 

"They (the emigrants) go to unchain millions of 
slaves fettered in the bondage of death." Af. Rep. IX. 198. 

" Like the star in the East, which announced the Sa- 
vior to the astonished Magi, it (the Society) points to the 
advent of the same Redeemer, coming in the power of his 
spirit to roll away the darkness of a thousand generations." 
Speech of Mr. Frelinghuysen, Vice President. 

" This Society proposes to add another regenerated con- 
tinent to our globe, and one hundred and fifty mil- 
lions to the family of civilized man." Speech of Elliot 
Cresson before the Society. Af. Rep. IX. 360. 
i The number of Agents to be employed, are proportioned 
to the mighty work to be achieved. 

"The Society proposes to send out not one or two pious 
members of Christianity into a foreign land, but to trans- 
port annually, for an indefinite number of years in one view 
of its sclieme, 6,000, in another 56,000 missionaries of the 
descendants of Africa itself, to communicate the benefits of 
our religion and the arts." Mr. Clwifs speech before Ken- 
tuchy Col. Society. Af. Rep. \T. 24. 

It will be observed that these missionaries are to commu- 
nicate the benefits of both religion, and the arts, and they 
are to be taken from two classes. The 6,000 are to be the 
annual increase of the free negroes ; the 56,000 are to be 
manumitted slaves. The character of the first class is thus 
given by Mr. Clay, in the same speech in which he pro- 
poses their employment: 

" Of all descriptions of our population, and of either 
portion of the African race, the free people of color are by 
far, as a class, the most corrupt, depraved, and abandoned." 



CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 63^ 

As this seems rather an unpromising character for teachers 
of religion, we presume this portion are to be confined to 
instruction in the arts ; and that the explanation of religious 
mysteries, and the inculcation of moral duties, are to be 
entrusted to the 56,000 just released from bondage. Of the 
peculiar opportunities afl'orded them by the laws of the 
slave States, for fitting themselves for their new vocation, 
we may speak hereafter. Of this " great company of 
preachers," about three thousand have already set up their 
tabernacle at Liberia. We might naturally suppose, that 
a colony oi viissionarics would be "a holy city," a sort of 
New Jerusalem, and such we are assured it is. We have 
heard of " the poetry of philanthropy," as applied to the 
sympathy expressed by abolitionists for the sufl^erings of 
the slaves ; the following extracts prove, that there is a 
poetry of Colonization which 

" Can give to aiiy nothing 
A local habitation and a name. 

"It (the colony) is already to the African tribes, like a 
city set upon a hill, which cannot be hid. ^4 thousand 
barbarians, who have long made merchandize of their 
brethren, and bepn regarded themselves as the objects of a 
bloody and accursed traffic, come within its gates, and are 
taught the doctrine of immortality, — the religion of the 
Son of God:' 9th Report, p. 14.— 1825. 

Here we have a solemn and official annunciation by the 
Board of Managers, of one of the most extraordinary facts 
ever recorded in the annals of missionary exertions. It 
appears from official documents, that at the date of this 
report, the whole number of emigrants could not have been 
more than 242, and had probably been reduced by death 
below that number ; and of this number, a large portion 
were, of course, women and children. Yet this little band 
of Christian missionaries, just escaped from the ignorance 
and vice in Avhich they had been enveloped in America, 
and still struggling for existence in a sickly climate, and 
amid all the hardships and privations of a recent settlement 
in a savage land ; casting aside the fear of man, and with a 
faith almost miraculous in divine protection, admit within 
their gates an army of barbarians, four times the number of 



64 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 

the whole of their little community ; barbarians too, who 
had long been engaged in a bloody and accursed traffic, 
making merchandize of their brethren; and these barba- 
rians suddenly divested of their savage character, sit hum- 
bly at the feet of the newly arrived messengers of Heaven, 
and the natives of Africa, receive instruction in the doctrine 
of immortality, and the religion of the Son of God, from 
lips that had never uttered any other language, than broken 
English ! It is singular that in the subsequent documents of 
the Society, we hear nothing farther of these thousand bar- 
barians. How many became converts to the religion in 
which they were instructed ; how long their attendance on 
the missionaries was continued, and why it was afterwards 
totally suspended, are points on which no information has 
been vouchsafed to us. 

It is natural we should wish to know more of these won- 
derful teachei's, and fortunately we are presented with the 
following picture of them by an eye witness. 

" The lioly Author of our religion and salvation, has 
made the hearts of a large proportion of these people, the 
temples of the divine Spirit. I have seen the proudest and 
profanest foreigners that ever visited the colony, trembling 
with amazement and conviction, almost literally in the 
descriptive phraseology of St. Paul, find the secrets of their 
hearts made manifest, and falling down upon their faces, 
worship God, and report that God is in the midst of these 
people of a truth." Ashmun^s letter, 31st December, 1835. 
Af. Rep. II. 90. 

We should certainly conclude from these accounts, that 
these holy men were blessed with 

" Composed desires, affections ever even, 
Tears that delight, and sighs that waft to Heaven." 

Yet strange to tell, we are presented with the following 
perplexing statement, by the same eye witness : 

" About twelve months since it (the colony) had entirely 
given way, as the committee are but too well apprised, to a 
blind and furious excitement of the worst passions, caused 
by a somewhat unfortunate policy operating on ignorance 
and invincible prejudice. During my absence for health, 
the people were obliged to taste some of the bitter fruits of 



CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 65 

anarchy, and by the singular mercy of God, only escaped 
those tragedies of blood, which can find no modern parallel, 
but in the history of the civil murders and devastations of 
St. Domingo." Ashmuii's letter, Ibth January, 1825. Af. 
Rep. I. 23. 

The excitement here alluded to, and its unhappy con- 
sequences, occurred, it will be seen by a comparison of 
dates, in 1824 ; and that wonderful moral change, which 
rendered the hearts of a large proportion of these people 
the temples of the Divine Spirit, must have been effected 
in 1825. Yet it was in the beginning of 1825, that the 
managers announced at their annual meeting at Washington, 
the marvellous fact of the instruction of the thousand bar- 
barians within the gates of the colony, a fact which of 
course must have happened several months previous to the 
date of the report, and consequently during, or about the 
time of the " furious excitement I" 

In March, 1825, the Editor of the Af. Rep., gives us the 
following delightful intelligence : 

"The eye of the stranger is struck with the religious as- 
pect of the settlement. He beholds, on Cape Montserado, 
standing in lonely beauty, a Christian village. There flou- 
rish the virtues of the gospel, defended by the Almighty, 
from the influences of paganism, cherished and refreshed by 
the dews of his grace." Af. Rep. I. 5. 

The secret of this surprising exhibition of Christian love- 
liness and purity, is thus explained. 

" It is well known that this little community is made up 
of SELECTED INDIVIDUALS, and that the Board have ever re- 
quired of those seeking their patronage, satisfactory evidence 
that their morals were pure, and their habits industrious. 
Hence this settlement has from its origin exhibited great 
decency and sobriety, respect for the Sabbath, and the 
other peculiar duties and ordinances of our religion. It has 
thus shed a benign and sacred light upon the heathen, and 
the feelings of the profane and lawless stranger as he treads 
upon Cape Montserado are subdued into unwonted serious- 
ness." Af Rep. IX. p. 19. 1826. 

But again we are perplexed, by the assertion of the Go- 
vernor of the Colony. 

" For at least two years to come, a much more discrimU 
6* 



66 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 

natiiig selectt07i of settlers must be made than ever has 
BEEN — even in the first and second expeditions by the Eli- 
zabeth and Nautihis in 1820 and 1822— or the prosperity of 
the colony will inevitably and rapidly decline." Ashmun's 
Letter, 3d March, 1828. Af. Rep. IV. 86. 

In the 11 til Report, the managers assure us : * *^' ' 

' " No village perhaps, in our own land, exhibits less which 
is offensive, and more that is gratifying to the eye of the 
Christian, than the village of Monrovia. Crimes are almost 
unknown, and the universal respect manifested for the Sab- 
bath, and the various institutions and duties of Christianity, 
have struck the natives with surprise, and excited the ad- 
miration of foreigners." Af. Rep. XI. p. 14. 1828. 

But how are we to reconcile this, with the following 
statements ? 

" Permit me to say, sir, there must be a great revolu- 
tion in this colony, before it can have a salutary influence 
on the surrounding natives ; that is, before it can have a 
moral influence over them." Letter froin Rev. G. M. Ers- 
hiiie, 3d April, 1830. Af. Rep. VI. 121. 

" We stand in much need of a work house, and some 
acres of land enclosed, for confining licentious females, and 
other disorderly and lazy persons." Letter front A. D. 
Williams, Agent, 10th Sept. 1830. Af. Rep. VI. 275. 

" There are several enterprising merchants here. It is 
not, however, a favorable spot for small storekeepers and 
Avandering pedlars, who, I am told, generally become stript 
of what they may have got, and in wandering about in the 
interior for small traffic, disgust the natives by their immo- 
ralities.'''' Letter from Lievt. Page to Sec. of Navy, 9th 
April, 1832. Af. Rep. VIII. 141. 

"With respect to the character of the people composing 
this expedition, I regret to be compelled to state, that they 
are, with the exception of the Pages from Virginia, and a 
{c\v others, the loioest and most abandoned of their class. 
Our respectable colonists themselves, are becoming alarmed 
at the great number of ignorant and abandoned characters 
that have arrived here within the last twelve months." Let- 
ter from Dr. Mechlin, Agent, Sept. 1832. Af. Rep. VIII. 
298. 

" Let them (the friends of the Society in America) know, 



CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 67 

that to extend knowledge and promote sound piety, a quire 
of paper is at the present moment of more worth than a 
Bible. Bibles and Tracts have been sent here, and either 
used as waste paper, or made food for worms — why ? Not 
becaus-e the people despise either, but because we have not 
a reading population. Until this is secured. Bibles would 
be of more value in China.'''' Letter from Rev. J. B. Pin- 
ney. Agent, 7th March, 1834. 

On the 17th June, 1833, Mr. Gurley, Secretary of the 
Society, in a speech at a Colonization meeting in New-York, 
hazarded the following most extraordinary assertion, "ten 
THOUSAND NATIVES had placed themselves under the pro- 
tection of the colony, receiving from it, instruction in ci- 
vilization.'''' 

The Society, at its annual meeting 20th January, 1834, 
unanimously " Resolved, that this Society is cheered in its 
enterprise by the beneficent efl'ects which its operations have 
upon the natives of Africa itself." Af. Rep. IX. 360. 

On the 20th February, 1834, the Rev. Mr. Finney, Agent 
at Liberia, thus writes from the colony. 

" The colonists are very ignorant of every thing about 
the interior. Except the tribes along the coast, nothing at 
all is known, and of them, little but their manner of traffic. 
Nothing has been done for the natives hitherto by the Co- 
lonists, except to educate a few, who were in their families 
in the capacity of servants.''^ Mr. Finney appears not to 
have been acquainted with the fact, that " a thousand bar- 
barians" had been taught the doctrine of immortality with- 
in the gates of the colony, or that " ten thousand natives" 
had received instruction in civilization! 

Had any Missionary Society been guilty of such extra- 
vagant anticipations and such gross and palpable contradic- 
tions, the whole community would have joined in loading it 
with ridicule and odium. 

It is deeply to be regretted, that some distinguished Colo- 
nizationists, have of late attempted to lead the public to hope, 
that in future no emigrants but such as are of good moral 
character, will be permitted to go to Liberia. It is difficult 
to reconcile such an attempt with moral rectitude, unless it 
be accompanied with a total and avowed abandonment of 
Colonization as a means of relieving the country from the 



68 CHARACTER OF THE COLONY. 

nuisance of a free colored population, anil from the guilt 
and curse of slavery. Of the gross inconsistency, (not to 
use a harsher term,) of Colonizationists on this subject, the 
proceedings of a Colonization meeting in Cincinnati, Octo- 
ber 31st, 1834, afford a striking example. On motion of 
the Rev. Dr. Beecher, the following Resolution was unani- 
moijsly adopted : " Resolved, that the establishment of co- 
lonies in Africa, by the selection of colored persons who 
are moral, industrious, and teiiiperate, is eminently cal- 
culated of itself to advance the cause of civilization and 
religion among the benighted native population of that 
continent ; as well as to afford facilities to the various 
Missionary Societies for the prosecution of their pious 
designs." 

This resolution would be utterly without point or mean- 
ing, were it not laudatory of the plans of the Colonization 
H jcicty ; and no person of common intelligence would con- 
jecture from the resolution, that the " selection" mentioned 
in it, was utterly at variance with, and directly opposed to, 
the avowed objects of the Society. Slavery in our country 
cannot be abolished by Colonization, without removing 
more than two millions of slaves ; and how is it possible to 
remove this number, and yet select for colonists only " the 
moral, industrious, and temperate ?" Nevertheless, the 
meeting " Resolved, that the friends of humanity and the 
friends of God, should cherish the Colonization Society, be- 
caus-e of its influence TO ABOLISH slavery, and advance the 
best interests of the African race." 

Pages might be quoted to show that the professed ulti- 
mate object of the Society, is to remove the whole colored 
population to Africa, without any selectio?i whatever. In 
1824, a Committee of the Board, in an official report, de- 
clared, that the national interest " required that the whole 
jnass of free persons of color, and those who may become 
such with the consent of th-eir owners, should be progres- 
sively removed from us, as fast as their own consent can be 
obtained, and as the means can be found for their removal 
and for their proper establishment in Africa." Afric. Rep. 
VII. p. 113. 

" But the Colonization Society hopes for, and aims at, 
much more — the abolition of slavery, and the removal of 



A SELECTION OF EMIGRANTS. 69 

ALL the black people from the United States." Proceed- 
ings of New York Col. Soc. 2nd Anniversary. 

We have remarked that expediency is unhappily the 
governing principle of the Society, and to this principle 
must be attributed the recent talk about select emigrants. 

Funds are low, and temperance is popular, and all at once 
we hear that the colonies in Liberia are to be temperance 
colonies ; and that the emigrants are to be " moral, indus- 
trious, and temperate." And so we are to send the good 
negroes away, and keep the bad at home ! And yet, by 
transporting the few moral, industrious and temperate in- 
dividuals, that can be selected in a vicious and ignorant po- 
pulation of between two and three millions, we are to abo- 
lish slavery ! ! Surely Colonizationists, by holding such lan- 
guage, pay but a poor compliment to their own candor, or 
the common sense of the community. The truth is there 
never has been, and never will be, a selection made.* The 
two last cargoes sent by the Society, were by the public con- 
fession of Mr. Breckenridge " two cargoes of vagabonds." 
Will it be pretended that all the coercion exerted to induce 
the blacks to emigrate, operates only on the good ; or that 
it is the drunken and profligate who find favor in the eyes 
of Colonizationists, and are permitted to remain in peace 
and quietness at home! 

The Society itself has borne abundant testimony to the 
depravity of the free blacks, and its friends, with scarcely 
an exception, zealously maintain that the slaves are unfit 
for freedom ; and yet, as we have seen, it is proposed to 
transport them all to Africa. And now we would ask, on what 
principle of common sense, on what record of experience, 
does the Society expect that a population, which in a land 
of Bibles and churches, is sunk in vice and ignorance, will, 

* since thfi firsteditionof this work, a public meeting has been held (17th March) iiiN. Orleans, 
preparatory to the departure of some manumitted slaves to Africa. At this meeting, lihe intended 
emigrants were arrayed before the audience, and the Agent of the Amcr. Col. Soc informed them 
that the society was " unalterably determined to send to the Colony none but such as are willing 
to pledge themselves to total abstinence from ardent spirits." He also announced that one negro 
had been rejected as an emigrant " on account ofliis habits of into.vication." A pledge was then 
read to the negroes, and they were ordered to signify their assent by rising, which they accord- 
ingly did. See Neto-York Journal ofCmmiierce, 1st April, 1835. 

This N. Orleans seme will afford no gratification to the friends of temperance ; nor will it per- 
manently advance the cause of colonization. In a population universally addicted to intoxica 
tion, ONE is selected as a public example of the abhorrence of the society to drunkenness, and 
is sliut out from the promised land, not for refusing to take the pledge, but on account of his in- 
temperate habits ; while his companions are rfc<iuired to promise total abstinence, under the pe- 
nalty of spending then lives in bondage ! ! 

If the society wishes to promote temperance, instead ofexforting pledges from mi-eralile slaves, 
\k\ them exercise thcpoworthoy possess of cxcliiduig all intoxicating liquors from iheir Colony. 



70 A SELECTION OF EMIGRANTS. 

when landed on the shores of Africa, and immersed in all 
the darkness of paganism, become on a sudden, a Christian 
society, and employed in teaching thousands of barbarians 
"the doctrine of immortality, the religion of the Son of 
God !" 

Pious Colonizationists would themselves be shocked at 
the proposal of disgorging on the islands of the Pacific the 
tenants of our prisons, under the pretext of instructing the 
natives in " religion and the arts ;" and yet they flatter 
themselves, that emigrants, who, by their OAvn showing, are 
less intelligent, and scarcely less guilty than our prisoners, 
will, by undergoing a salt water baptism, land in Africa 
wholly regenerated; and qualitied as heralds of the cross, to 
convert millions and millions to the faith of the Gospel, 
So monstrous an absurdity, can be the offspring only of a 
deep and sinful prejudice. Hatred to the blacks can alone 
delude us into the belief that in banishing them from 
our soil, we are doing God service. Were it not for this 
hatred, we should feel and acknowledge, that Christianity 
must be propagated in Africa, as elsewhere, by faithful and 
enlightened missionaries. If the climate or other circum- 
stances require that such missionaries be of African de- 
scent, it is our duty to educate them, before we send them. 
But alas, instead of educating negroes, we wish to keep 
them in ignorance, and yet pretend that our nuisances will, 
in Africa, be converted into blessings. But if Coloniza- 
tionists are so perverse as to believe that a bitter fountain 
Avill send forth sweet waters, let them contemplate the fol- 
lowing picture of Sien*a Leone, drawn by a devoted friend 
to the Society. 

" Including the suburbs of the town, (Free Town,) 
there are some six or eight thousand inhabitants, about 
eighty of whom are white. — The morals of Free Town are 
fearfully had. As in colonies, too generally, where the re- 
straints of home, of friends, of those we love, and those we 
fear, are broken off, licentiousness prevails to a most lament- 
able degree. The abomination is not committed under 
the cover of midnight, nor am I speaking of the natives 
whose early habits might plead some apology for them — 
it is done at noonday, and to use a figure, the throne as 
well as the footstool has participated in the evil ; and the 



CHARACTER OF SIERRA LEONE. 71 

evil, I am told, is increasing. Sanctioned as it is, by those 
who take the lead in the society, and who ought to form the 
morals of the colony, avarice has been added to lust, and 
those who otherwise might have been virtuous, have sold 
themselves to work wickedness. — Humanity and philan- 
thropy, which have struggled so hard and so long to help 
this degraded country, must weep and cover itself with 
sackcloth, to see its best interests so wickedly perverted !" 
Letter from Rev. M. B. Cox, Methodist Missionary in Li- 
beria. Af. Rep. IX. p. 209, 

There is still an important consideration, which does 
not seem to have engaged the attention of Colonization- 
ists. It is proposed to transport to Africa, our whole color- 
ed population, and of course to found a mighty nation in 
Liberia. But how long will this nation remain dependent 
on the Board of Managers at Washington? Instead of 
millions, suppose the colony to be only ten thousand strong. 
Who is to govern it, who defend it, and fight its battles ? 
Were the colony now to declare independence, how would 
the Society reduce it to subjection ; and if not subjected, 
what becomes of the mighty plan of making it the recepta- 
cle of our slaves and free negroes ? Suppose the colonists 
like their brethren of Sierra Leone engage in the slave- 
trade, who is to punish or control them ? Suppose in time 
they find the influx of emigrants inconvenient, and refuse to 
admit them, who shall coerce them. 

On the whole, the system of African Colonization is full 
of absurdities, and contradictions, and evils, which are not 
seen, because they are concealed by a veil of prejudice. It 
is a system wliich strikingly exposes the folly of human 
wisdom, when opposed to the precepts of the Gospel of 
Christ. Had America possessed that fear of the Lord, 
which is the beginning of true wisdom, slavery would long 
since have ceased from among us, and our colored brethren, 
treated with Christian kindness, instead of being ignorant 
and degraded, would have been valued and useful citizens, 
and our churches, instead of uniting to send " cargoes of 
vagabonds" to Africa under the guise of Christian missiona- 
ries, would have aided the descendants of her sons, furnish- 
ed by us with all the stores of human learning, and selected 



72 INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. 

for their piety and zeal, in proclaiming the glad tidings of 
salvation, throughout that benighted continent. 



CHAPTER V. 

INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. 

In 1822, a committee Avas appointed by a public meeting 
in Boston, to report on the character and tendency of the 
American Colonization Society. The committee in their 
report remark; 

" It is only from the belief which the committee very 
cordially entertain, that the active members of the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society are perfectly disposed to frame 
their measures with reference to the entire suppression of 
the slave trade, and to a gradual and prudent, but complete 
EMANCIPATION of tliosc uow held in slavery, that we can 
regard the Society as having any claim upon the sympathy 
or assistance of the people of New England." 

Such were the expectations by which northern philanthro- 
pists were at first induced to coimtenance the Society. 
There is scai'cely to be found a Colonization article or 
speech that does not warrant these expectations, that does 
not promise the exertion by the Society of a mighty moral 
INFLUENCE in abolishing slavery. 

Now it is obvious, that such an influence must operate in 
one or more of the following ways, viz. : 

1. On the conscience of the slave holder, convincing 
him that slave holding is sinful, and that his Maker requires 
him to liberate his slaves. 

2. On the reputation of the slave holder, making him 
feel, that his standing in the community is lowered by keep- 
ing his fellow men in bondage, and enjoying, without com- 
pensation, the fruits of their labor. 

3. On the interests of the slave holder, persuading him, 
that emancipation would enhance his property. 

4. On the /ears of the slave holder, alarming him for the 
safety of himself and family. 



INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY ON SLAVERY. 73 

5. By the power of example, showing the slaveholder, 
by the conduct of others whom he esteems, what his own 
ought to be. 

We flatter ourselves, that we shall prove, that the influ- 
ence of the Society is in no degree exerted in any one of 
these ways, except the last. Of the extent of this last 
mode, we shall speak hereafter. 

It will not be pretended, that tlie Society addresses itself 
to the conscience of the slaveholder. Such addresses are 
not authorized by the constitution, and have been repeated- 
ly disclaimed by the Society. But when the Society dis- 
claims appeals to the conscience, it disclaims the most 
powerful of all means for the removal of slavery. 

" We never made any headway," says a British writer, 
•' in the abolition of the slave trade, and of slavery, till it 
Avas taken up by the religious men, prosecuted as a concern 
of the soul, with reference to eternity, and by motives 
drawn from the cross of Christ." Mr. G. Smith, a most 
estimable ofiicer of the Society, remarked, in a temperance 
address : 

" I never heard that temperance had any success any 
where, unless the appeals in its favor were made directly to 
the consciences of the rum dealers. Strike out these, and 
it is in vain that you seek for other means to propel tlie tri- 
umphant car of temperance. Hitch to that car, health, 
economy, expediency, the public good, what you please, if 
you leave out the appeal to men's consciences, you have, 
as we say at the North, a weak team.'' And surely a more 
weak, broken-winded, good for nothing team, than coloni- 
zation, was never hitched to the car of abolition. How, 
and in what direction, does this team draw ? It is amusing 
to observe how wary Colonizationists are of approaching 
this question. They dwell on the political evils of slavery, 
and call on religion and patriotism for aid in removing 
them ; and when, in breathless attention, we are waiting to 
learn by what process the moral influence of the society is 
to deliver us from the curse of slavery, in a moment the 
scene shifts to Africa, and we are entertained with visions 
of its future bliss and glory. It may be safely asserted, 
that not one Colonization writer or orator in a hundred, 
e\ cr attempts to explain how the Societv is to induce mas- 
7 



7t MORAL INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY 

ters to liberate their slaves. Occasionally, however, the 
effort is made. Mr. Knapp, in a speech before the Society, 
thus explains the matter : 

" In my opinion, it (slavery) may be cured in less time 
than it has been growing up. Open once the facilities of 
emigration — show an object for it, and, like any other bu- 
siness, it will increase to any extent we may wish. The 
natux"al world has yielded her impossibilities, as they were 
thought, to the efforts of enlightened men ; why should we 
not be as successful in the moral? A fair and permanent 
road is now built over the Alps, the passage of which wag 
once considered as sufficient to give immortality to the 
successful adventurer." 10th Rep. p. 6. 

So, it seems, that if we open once the facilities of emi- 
gration, that is, provide ships, &c., the planters will at 
once call in their slaves from their cotton and sugar fields, 
and ship them to Africa -, but why they will do so, is a 
problem, which, after all, Mr. Knapp omits to solve. 

" This work, (Colonization,) as it advances, tends to im- 
prove the character, and elevate the condition of the free 
j)Cople of color, and thus to take away one standing and very 
influential argument against both individual and general 
abolition- This, to an unprejudiced mind, is one of the 
most obvious tendencies of African Colonization. Ele- 
vate the character of the free people of color, let it be 
seen that they are men indeed ; let the degrading associa- 
tions Avhich follow them be broken up by the actual im- 
provement of their character as a people, and negro sla- 
very must wither and die." New-Haven Christian Spec- 
tator for March, 1833. 

As the Society utterly disclaims all attempts to elevate 
the free blacks here, the meaning of the above is, that 
M'hen the slave holder in America learns that black men ia 
Liberia are intelligent and respectable, he will release his 
slaves from their fetters. We wonder if similar intelligence 
from the West Indies will produce tlie same effect: if so, 
it may be obtained at far less expense of time and money, 
than from Africa. 

Let us now attend to the process by which an excellent 
Vice President of the Society, supposes slavery is to be 
abolished. 



UPON SLAVERY. 75 

** Let Africa begin to enter upon the redemption of her 
character, which guilty Christian nations have for centu- 
ries combined to keep down to the lowest point of degra- 
dation, and she will begin to be respected, and the condi- 
tion of her outcast children on our shores, will awaken a 
livelier sympathy. And when Africa shall have put on the 
garment of civilization, and the influence of her regenera- 
tion shall he felt throughout this land, our most tenacious, 
and obstinate slave holder, will shrink from the relation he 
bears to her children. The poor creature whom he for- 
merly regarded as a few removes above the brute, will 
now present himself before the new associations of his 
master's mind, as his fellow man, and his equal, and the 
slave will be permitted to go free." Speech of G. Smith, 
l^.sq. Uth Rep. p. 11. 

It would seem, that at the close of the fourteenth year 
of the Society's labors, Africa had not yet, in the opinion 
of Mr. Smith, begun to enter upon the redemption of her 
character. How soon a bcgin7iing is to be made, and in 
how many years, or centuries, the Society expects to com- 
plete the work of dressing Africa in the garment of civili- 
zation, we are not informed. But when this work shall 
have been finished, and when it shall have produced a 
general sensation (how strong and of what kind we know 
not) throughout America, then the motions of the sugar- 
mill and cotton-gin are to be arrested, and the fetters are 
to fall from the slave. Why ? Because the commands of 
God, and the interests and safety of the master, require it ? 
No ; but because the master will theJi make the discovery, 
that liis poor slave, but little removed as lie is from the 
brute, is still his fellow man, and his equal ! This is cer- 
tainly a most marvellous process for teaching the Southern 
planters a plain, simple truth ; a truth, too, which was pro- 
claimed by their own representatives, so long ago as 177(), 
in the declaration of independence, but which unfortunately 
seems not to have had the influence which Mr. Smith sup- 
poses it will exert, when taught by the regeneration of 
Africa. 

We may now judge a little of the elements of that 
moral influence, which a Christian Society exerts against 



76 SLAVES TO BE REMOVED. 

slavery. Conscience, and the word of God, death, judg- 
ment, and eternity, enter not into its composition. 

" The Society," declares one of its vice presidents, 
" tends, and may powerfully tend, to rid us gradually and 
entirely in the United States, of slaves and slavery." R. 
G. Harper. See Uth Rep. p. 23. 

Let us now sec how gradually this riddance is to be 
eftected. 

" We have never supposed, that the Society's plan could 
be accomplished in a iew years ; but, on the contrary, have 
boasted, that it will demand a century for its fulfillment." 
Mr. Fitzhugh, Vice President. Af. Rep. IV. p. 344. 

It may seem singular that philanthropists should exult 
in the conviction, that their plan for doing good would re- 
quire a century for its fulfillment ; but the benevolence of 
the " Colonization system" is peculiar. 

" There are those, sir, who ask, ' and could not a quarter 
of a century cease and determine these two great evils,' 
(free blacks and slaves.) You and I, my dear sir, on whom 
the frost of time has fallen rather perceptibly, would say a 
CENTURY." Speech of Mr. Chistiss. ISth Rep. p. viii. 

" The sudden abolition of slavery in a community where 
it existed to any considerable extent, would be pernicious. 
But this is danger which can occasion no alarm, admitting 
that the Colonization scheme contemplates the ultimate 
abolition of slavery, yet that result could only be produced 
by the slow and gradual operation of centuries." Af. 
Rep. I. p. 217. 

" It is not expected to remove so great an evil as two 
millions of slaves suddenly : if li can be accomplished in a 
CENTURY, it will be as much as the most sanguine of our 
friends ought to expect." Judge Best's Address to the In- 
diana Col. Soc. Af. Rep. IX. p. 71. 

" It is not the work of a day, nor a year ; it is not the 
Avork of one time, nor of two; but it is one which will now 
commence, and may continue for ages." View of Slavery, 
by Humanitas, a Colonization advocate. Baltimore, 1822. 
Thus we see that the continuance of slavery, with all 
its licentiousness, ignorance, and suffering, for at least a 
century to come, is calmly contemplated by zealous and 



SLAVES ALKEADV REMOVED. 77 

tlistinguished Colonizationists. But still the Society ex- 
pects ultimately to abolish slavery. Let us therefore in- 
quire what it must effect to fulfill this expectation. 

The increase of our slave population, from the census 
of 1830 to that of 1830, was 472,-568. Estimating the 
future increase at the same ratio, it will be for the ten 
years ending in 1840, 617,263 ; and for the ten years end- 
ing in 1850, 806,762. The annual increase is noxo up- 
wards of 54,000, and the daily excess of births over deaths, 
147. In 1850, it will be 80,676 annually, and 221 daily ! 

From this statement, it will be perceived, what must be 
the power of the " moral influence" of the Society to re- 
move to Africa merely the annual increase of our slave 
population ; and hence we may judge of its ability to de- 
liver the country from slavery. In forming an opinion on 
this subject, we shall be further aided by inquiring what 
advantages the Society has enjoyed, and what have been 
the results of its labors. 

Never has any voluntary association received in an equal 
degree the applause and patronage of both state and church. 
Men of all parties, and of all religions, and of no religion, 
have zealously espoused its cause. On the roll of its offi- 
cers,-arc emblazoned the names of the most popular leaders 
of rival political parties. The Legislatures of fourteen 
States have passed resolutions in its favor. The highest 
ecclesiastical judicatories, of almost every religious denomi- 
nation, have recommended it to the patronage of their 
churches. Politicians have declaimed, ministers have 
preached, and Christians have prayed in its behalf. To 
promote its objects, liberal contributions have been made 
from the coffers of the nation, and the pockets of indivi- 
duals. Under color of providing for the removal to Africa, 
of about three hundred recaptured negroes, the general 
government appropriated 130,000 dollars, which Avere " ap- 
plied to an object afliliatcd to our design, and essentially, 
though collaterally, contributing to its advancement ; the 
sending out of agents of the United States to the African 
coast, and tiie transportation of persons in the public ships. 
By these means we have obtained, in fact, all we could 
have expected to gain, had Congress decided to aid oiir en- 
terprise." Speech of Gen. Harper, 1th Rep. p. 12. 
7* 



78 INFLUENCE OF THE SOCIETY 

Since 1820, $220,449 have been poured into the treasury. 
If to this be added $45,045, the debt due by the Society at 
the beginning of 1834, we have a total of 266,094 dollars 
expended, independent of the 130,000 dollars paid by go- 
vernment. Such have been the pecuniary means of the So- 
ciety ; and now let us see how far its " moral influence" has 
progressed in freeing the country of its millions of slaves. 
Since December, 1816, when the Society was organized, to 
the present time, (1st of January, 1835,) it has transported 
eight hu7idred arid nine manumitted slaves to Africa — 
equal to the increase of the slave population {or Jive and a 
half days ! But it will be said, that some years elapsed be- 
fore the Society was in a capacity to transport emigrants. 
Be it so — let us inquire then, how many manumitted slaves 
have been sent out the last^i;^ years. In 1830, 1, 2, 3, six 
hundred and sixty-six were transported : in 1834, none* 
making a removal on an average, of less than the increase 
of one day in each year ! In the eigliteenth year of the 
Society's existence, it finds itself compelled to pause and 
rest, after the mighty efli'ort of arresting the increase of the 
slave population lor five days and a half. 

Such are the results of the moral influence about which 
we have heard so much. And upon lohom has this influence 
operated? Surely upon those who were most within its 
sphere, the presidents, vice-presidents, and managers of the 
Society. Unfortunately, facts do not confirm this very na- 
tural supposition. Judge Washington was President of 
the Society, from its first organization, till his death in 1829. 
In a letter to the Society, he observed, " We may fairly hope 
it will lead to the sure but gradual abolition of slavery." 
Af Rep. VII. p. 20. 

Whatever were the hopes of this gentleman, he was per- 
sonally beyond the reach of the Society's moral influence. 
In a published letter in 1821, after stating that his slaves 
had got the idea that as nephew to General Washington, or 
President of the Colonization Society, he could not hold 
them in bondage, he adds, " I called the negroes together 

♦ In 1P34, the Philadelphia Society sent out one hundred and ten slaves, 
manumitted by the will of their master, who also left two thousand two 
hundred dollars for their transportation. The Society, at the same time, 
gave a passage to fourteen emigrants for the Parent Institution, free of ex- 
pense. 



UPON ITS OWN MEMBERS. 79 

in March last, and after stating to them wliat I had heard, I 
assured them that I had no intention to give freedom to any 
of them." 

The Judge was as good as his word. He did indeed 
shortly after part with fifty-four of his slaves, but it was 
not to the agent of the Society, to be transported to Liberia, 
but to a slave dealer, to be shipped to New Orleans. Mr. 
Carroll, a large slave holder, succeeded to the presidential 
chair, but for aught that appears to the contrary, neither 
he nor Mr. Madison, the present incumbent, ever liberated 
a single slave. Mr. Clay, a Vice President, publicly inti- 
mated, that he did not intend to send his slaves to Africa. 
Mr. Fitzhugh, another Vice President, the proprietor of 
" numerous slaves," speaking of slavery, remarked : 

" No plea can be urged in justification of its continuance 
but the plea of necessity.'''' Af. Rep. V. p. 354. 

The will of this gentleman, who died in 1830, is a 
singular comment on this plea of necessity. The follow- 
ing extract is given in the African Repository under the 
head of 

PHILANTHROPIC KXAMPLE. 

" After the year 1850, 1 leave all my negroes uncondition- 
ally free, with the privilege of having the expenses of their 
removal, to whatever places of residence they may select, 
defrayed. If they consent to go to the Colony, (Liberia,) 
they are to be paid fifty dollars each on their arrival." Af. 
Rep. VL 247. 

It will be perceived that the testator believed in the " ne- 
cessity" of requiring his slaves to toil for twenty years for 
his heirs, after he himself was in the grave, before they 
could be permitted to labor for themselves ; and also the 
necessity of leaving the children who might be born of 
these slaves in the twenty years, in interminable bondage, 
for it will be observed, that the prospective manumission 
is confined to Mr. Fitzhugh's " negroes," and not to the 
children to be hereafter born. Should this Philanthropic 
example be universally followed, in how many centuries 
would slavery cease ? 



80 DIFFICULTIES OF COLONIZATION. 

Mr. Custiss, well known as a zealous advocate of the So- 
ciety, in a speech before it, thus exclaims, 

" Lend us your aid, to strike the fetters from the slave, 
and to spread the enjoyment of unfettered freedom over the 
whole of our favored and happy land." 1th Report, p. 13. 

Had Mr. Custiss applied to the Board, for a passage for 
his slaves to Liberia, the boon would unquestionably have 
been granted. But such a boon, was not the aid he de- 
sired. In the New York Commercial Advertiser of Janu- 
ary 31, 1829, it is stated that Philip Lee, the son of Gene- 
ral Washington's favorite servant, is the slave of Mr. Cus- 
tiss, the adopted son of Washington : that Philip is a pious, 
faithful, and in all respects an exemplary man, and has a 
wife and children, to whom he is tenderly attached ; and 
that 1000 dollars, are required to deliver Philip and his 
family from slavery. "Much interest has been excited in 
the district of Columbia, where it is supposed one half of 
the sum required will be raised." The paper farther states, 
that 121 dollars had been subscribed in New York. 

In the appendix to the 15th Report, p. 41, is a list of 
persons who have manumitted slaves to be sent to Liberia. 
The list does not profess to give all, but contains fifteen 
names, and it is remarkable that the name of any one pre- 
sent or former officer of the American Colonization Society 
is not to be found among them, with the exception of Mr. 
Fitzhugh, who is included, on account of his testamentary 
devise. 

We will not assert that no officer of the Society, has 
ever parted Avith a slave, that he might go to the Colony ; 
but we do say, that although our acquaintance with coloni- 
zation documents is not superficial, we have met with no 
record of such a " philanthropic example." 

If such be the impotency of the moral influence of the 
Society upon its officers, its orators and advocates, what 
will be its power on slaveholders generally ? 

But let us suppose, what we all know to be untrue, that 
every slave holder in our country, is in very deed anxious 
to get rid of his slaves, and that the whole slave population 
is now and will continue to be at the disposal of the Soci- 
ety, and we ask, can this population be transported to Af- 
rica, and there maintained ? We have seen that before any 



ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 81 

impression can be made on its present amount, its increase 
rising to more than fifty-four thousand annually, must be 
removed. But it is surely not to be removed, merely to 
perish by famine in the wilderness. In the ordinary cal- 
culations of the expense of carrying these people to Africa, 
they seem to be considered only as articles of freight, which 
are to be delivered at Liberia, at so much per piece. Thirty 
dollars are usually assumed as the cost of a passage ; but 
let it be recollected that after they arrive, houses, imple- 
ments of husbandry, food and clothing for at least one year 
must be provided for them. It is with difficulty a new co- 
lony can provide for its own maintenance, and it is folly to 
suppose that it can also provide for an annual influx of fifty 
thousand emigrants, emigrants too, sunk in brutal ignorance, 
unaccustomed to supply their own wants, and bringing with 
them, nothing but the rags on their backs. Place fifty 
thousand such persons in the wilds of Africa, and they 
would be far more likely to starve before the end of a year, 
than they would be at that time, to furnish the necessaries 
of life to fifty thousand more emigrants. The colony is 
now poor, and has only about three thousand inhabitants, 
and it is admitted (See 15th Rep, p. 10,) that an addition of 
one thousand emigrants in any one year since its establish- 
ment would have been fatal to it. How many years then 
must elapse, before it can receive fifty-four thousand every 
year ; and when that period arrives, what will then be the 
annual increase ? Admitting the whole marine and the 
whole treasury of the United States to be surrendered to 
the Society, does any sane man believe, that Liberia can 
be broiight to such a state of cultivation as to maintain an 
annual accession to her population of fifty-four thousand 
in less tlian twenty-five years ? But in the year 1860 the 
annual increase of slaves, instead of fifty-four thousand, 
will be one hundred and four thousand ; and unless the So- 
ciety will then be able to transport more than this mighty 
multitude, each year, it will not even diminish the present 
amount of the slave population ! 

In supposing the slave holders ready to colonize their 
slaves, we have given full efiect to the reiterated assertions 
of Colonizationists on this subject. These gentlemen are 
fond of representing the Southern masters as unfortunately 



B2 ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 

burthened with a grievous load, which they are impatient 
to shake off; and from which no other human agency than 
llie Society can possibly relieve them. Granting the pre- 
mises, we see what sort of relief the Society is capable of 
affording. We have intentionally removed one difficulty, 
that we might consider another. Let us now reverse the 
supposition, and admitting the ability of the Society, imme- 
diately to transport to Africa, and there maintain all the 
slaves in the United States, let us inquire liow the consent 
of the masters is to be obtained. 

Let it be remembered, that the Society lias studiously 
avoided every measure to obtain such consent, and boasts 
that it addresses arguments to no master. But if we are 
to believe Colonizationists, no arguments are necessary to 
induce the masters to liberate their slaves. Our sympathy 
is perpetually demanded, not for the slave, but his unfor' 
tunate master, who is imploring the Society to deliver him 
from the curse entailed upon him by his ancestors ! So far 
from slaveholders wishing to abolish slavery, they are 
endeavoring to transmit it as a precious inheritance to their 
latest posterity. As we have already observed, we do not 
solicit the reader's belief in amj assertion we may make, 
until we have demonstrated its truth ; and we assert that 
there is a general disposition among slaveholders, to per- 
petuate slavery. We know, and cheerfully acknowledge, 
that there are exceptions, but we believe they are exceed- 
ingly rare. The whole tendency of slave legislation, is to 
rivet the chains of its victims. Hence the cruel obstacles it 
raises to manumission, and the wicked efforts it makes to 
brutalize the human mind. But not contented with holding 
their own slaves with an iron grasp, tliey have striven, and 
with woful success, to extend the curse beyond their owti 
borders. When Missouri was to be admitted into the 
Union, every slave representative in Congress, without one 
solitary exception, Colonizationist or not, voted to render it 
a slave State. So anxious was Virginia, to strengthen the 
slave interest, that rebellion and civil war were the price she 
was willing to pay for another mart in human flesh. Her 
House of Delegates, "Resolved, that the General Assembly 
of Virginia, will support the good people of Missouri, in 
their just rights, and admission into the Union, and will 



ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 9^ 

co-operate with them in resisting with manly forti- 
tude any attempt which Congress may make to impose re- 
straints, or restrictions on the price of their admission, not 
authorized by the great principles of the constitution, and 
in violation of their rights, liberty, and happiness !" 

General Charles C. Pinckney, of South-Carolina, in a 
public address, delivered in 1824, maintained that slavery, 
as it exists in that State, is " no greater or more unusual 
evil, than befalls the poor in general ; that its extinction 
would be attended with calamity to the country, and to the 
people connected with it, in every character, and relation ; 
that no necessity exists for such extinction — that slavery is 
sanctioned by the Mosaic dispensation — that it is a fulfill- 
ment of the denunciation, pronounced against the second 
son of Noah — that it is not inconsistent with the genius and 
spirit of Christianity, nor considered by St. Paul as a mo- 
ral evil." Address before the Agricultural Society of So7ith 
Carolina. 

Governor Miller, of South Carolina, in his message to the 
Legislature in 1829, remarks, 

" Slavery is not a national evil ; on the contrary, it is a 
NATIONAL BENEFIT. Slavery exists in some form every 
Avhere, and it is not of much consequence in a philosophical 
point of view, whether it be voluntary or involuntary. In 
a political point of view, involuntary slavery has the ad- 
vantage, since all who enjoy political liberty, are then in 
fact free." 

It gives us pleasure to state, that the African Repository, 
pronounces the doctrines of Messrs. Pinckney and Miller 
" abominable." We have explained in our introduction, 
the tacit compact, by which Colonizationists are never to 
defend slavery in the abstract, nor condemn it in particu- 
lars. A scrupulous observance of this compact, enabled 
the Repository to exclaim, with great truth, when accused 
of hostility to slaveholders, " Have we sought to render 
the owners of slaves odious, by retailing anecdotes of their 
cruelly ? Every honorable man will do us the justice to 
answer no." Af. Rep. IV. p. 59. 

But the question is, not what Mr. Gurley thinks of these 
doctrines, but how they are regarded by slaveholders. Now 
there is no evidence, that General Pincknev's rank in Ca- 



84 ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 

rolina society, was affected by his " abominable" doctrines; 
on the contrary, judging from the eulogium pronounced at 
his decease, he was regarded as one of the most distinguish- 
ed and pious members of the slaveholding community. 
And so far were the people of Carolina from being offended, 
by the " abominable" doctrines of their governor, that after 
his term of service expired, they elected him to the Senate 
of the United States. 

Governor Hayne, of the same State, in his message to 
the Legislature, (1833,) labors to prove, that slavery adds 
to the military strength of a nation, and concludes with de- 
claring that " the existence of slavery in the South, is not 
only to be regarded as an evil not to be deplored, but that 
it brings along corresponding advantages, in elevating 
the character, contributing to the wealth, enlarging the 
resources, and adding to the strength of the State in which 
it exists." 

It must be confessed, these are strange sentiments to be 
advanced by the chief magistrates of a people who regard 
slavery as a curse, and are anxious to colonize their slaves. 
Let us now attend to the official declarations of the pre- 
sent Governor of South Carolina ; and see what comment 
they afford on the supposed desire of the slave holders to 
get rid of their slaves, a supposition on which the whole 
theory of abolition by Colonization is founded. 

" It is demonstrable that cotton could not be produced by 
the labor of hired freemen for double the average price it 
has commanded for ten years past. — It is obvious that the 
abolition of that kind of labor which is the basis of our 
wealth and prosperity, Avould annihilate, at a single blow, 
that entire branch of foreign commerce which brings the 
industry of the exporting States into competition with that 
of the manufacturing States — I am thoroughly convinced 
that the institution of domestic slavery, paradoxical as it 
may seem, is an indispensable element in an unmixed re- 
presentative republic. How sacred is our obligation 
to provide for our posterity all the necessary means of 
defending and preserving an institution, as essential to their 
existence and to their liberty, as it is obnoxious to the pre- 
judices of those who have the greatest possible facilities 
for assailing it." Inaugural Speech, Dec. 1834. 



ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 85 

In December last, a lecture on " Domestic Slavery," was 
delivered before " the Law Class of William and Mary Col- 
lege," and published in the Southern Literary Messenger, 
for January, 1835. The following introductory passage 
will help to show the feeling that is cherished at the South. 
"This subject, (slavery,) is too interesting to be passed in 
silence. The time too is rife with proofs, that unless we 
mean tamely to surrender a most important interest, we 
must hold ourselves always on the alert to DEFEND it 
with tongue and pen." 

A few years since, the State of Louisiana passed a law, 
prohibiting the importation of slaves from other States, but 
the extension of the sugar cultivation, demanding more la- 
bor, the law was repealed in 1833, and this State is now 
importing multitudes of slaves from Maryland and Virginia. 
Soon after the repeal of the law, 2000 were offered for sale 
in New Orleans, in the course of a single week ! 

We may judge how anxious the people of Louisiana are 
to send their slaves to Africa, from the following notice of 
a late sale, in New Orleans : 

Willis, 18 years old, brought - - - $1400 

Jack, 29 1200 

Adam, 20 1300 

Tom, 16 - - - - - 1175 

Dick, 30 1000 

Bill, 14 660 

Malinda, 29 500 

A letter from an intelligent gentleman, personally ac- 
quainted with the state of slavery at Natchez, says: "The 
prospects of the blacks in the South-west, are gloomy in 
the extreme. Cotton can be afforded at 6 cents per pound; 
last year, (1832,) it was worth from 9 to 13 cents ; this 
year it is worth from 14 to 18 cents. Last year about 
1000 negroes were sold in Natchez, and I am confident 
1500 will be disposed of in that market this year. In my 
opinion, the slaves, if ever free, will owe their liberty to 
their own strength and the blessing of Heaven ; for their 
masters, as a Methodist minister once expressed it, think 
8 



86 ATTACHMENT TO SLAVERY. 

only of making more cotton, to buy more negroes, to make 
more cotton, to buy more negroes." 

So far are masters from wishing to send their negroes to 
Africa, that they are continually increasing their stock, and 
hence slaves are rising in value. A late Georgia paper an- 
nounces, that at a sale of 71 negroes, of all ages and kinds, 
the average price was 438 dollars. 

A convention has recently been held in Tennessee, for 
amending the State Constitution, and one amendment is, a 
prohibition to the Legislature to abolish slavery ! 

The Augusta Chronicle, (Geo.) of Oct. 1833, says : " We 
firmly believe, that if the Southern States do not quickly 
unite and declare to the North, if the question of slavery 
be longer discussed in any shape, they will instantly secede 
from the Union ; that the question must be settled, and very 
soon, by the sword, as the only possible means of self- 
preservation !" 

The Richmond Enquirer and the Washington Globe, are 
both mightily indignant at the proposition that Congress 
should abolish slavery in the District of Columbia. 

So far is it from being true, as stated by Colonization- 
ists, that the South is ready to surrender its slaves, that 
every day affords new proofs that the public sentiment both 
at the North and the South, is now more tolerant to slavery 
than at any other period during the last thirty years. Who 
believes, that even ten years ago, any Connecticut Legisla- 
ture would have ventured to pass the Black Act ; or that 
Judge Daggett himself would have pronounced his porten- 
tous and extraordinary opinion ? At what time, before the 
influence of the Colonization Society was felt throughout 
our land, did the citizens of the North merit or receive 
-lUch commendations from the slave press as the following ? 

" Public sentiment at the North, in reference to Southern 
interests, was never in a sounder state than it is now. 
The language of the Northern press is cheering in the ex- 
treme, — the feeling in favor of the South, and against the 
abolitionists, is deep and almost imiversal." Charleston 
Courier, 2\st July, 1834. 

When, until late years, have the Governors of even slave 
States, dared to promulgate such " abominable" doctrines, 
as those we have quoted ? 



VIRGINIA AND MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 87 

Unless we greatly deceive ourselves, we have now shown 
that no desire exists at the South to get rid of slavery, at 
least to such an extent as to render Colonization in the re- 
motest degree instrumental in abolishing it: and it is an 
unquestioned fact, that in eighteen years only about 900 ma- 
numitted slaves have been sent to Africa. But certain laws 
have been recently passed by Virginia and Maryland, which 
are triumphantly cited by Colonizationists as proofs of the 
growing desire at the South to abolish slavery, — a desire 
which is attributed to the influence of the Society. 

The law of Virginia appropriates 18,000 dollars a year 
for five years, for the transportation of colored persons to 
Africa. Now it is evident that the effect of this law upon 
slavery in Virginia, must depend on the class of colored 
persons to be transported. Will it be believed, that this 
law, received with such joy and triumph by Colonizationists, 
confines the application of its appropriation to the removal 
of such blacks as were free at the date of its passage. In 
other words, it declares to the slaveholders, " We will not 
assist you in manumitting your slaves." By a previous 
law, any manumitted slave, who does not leave the State in 
twelve months, becomes again a slave : this new law pro- 
vides that such a manumitted slave shall not be sent to 
Africa, — of course it affords no possible inducement or fa- 
cility whatever to manumission ; and its whole operation is 
confined to the removal of nuisances, — and we have already 
seen, from the avowal of members of the Legislature, that 
this removal is virtually to be compulsory. The philan- 
thropy that rejoices in such a law, is indeed of a peculiar 
cast, but it is the philanthropy of " the benevolent Coloni- 
zation system."* 

The Maryland law, of 1832, appropriates 200,000 dol- 
lars, to be applied through the agency of the Maryland Co- 
lonization Society, to the removal to Africa, of " the people 
of color now free, and such as shall hereafter become so." 

On the 20th January, 1833, the American Colonization 

* A party writer, in a late number of the Richmond Enquirer, says : 
"An opposition man, who stated in the spring that he considered the 
removal of the deposites as affecting tlie value of his property 30 per cent., 
admits now, that he never saw a mohe wholesome state or things; 
negro boys and men will fetch from 600 dollars to 700 dollars." Is Virgi- 
nia sick of this wholesome state of things 1 



88 MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 

Society " Resolved, that the Society view with the highest 
gratification, the continued efforts of the State of Maryland 
to accomplish her patriotic and benevolent system in re- 
gard to her colored population ; and that the last appropria- 
tion by that State of two hundred thousand dollars in aid 
of African Colonization, is hailed by the friends of the sys- 
tem as a BRIGHT EXAMPLE to Other States." 

Let us now examine this " benevolent system," this 
" bright example," and see how it accords with Christian 
love and sincerity. 

In forming our opinion of the true character of this 
scheme, it will not be improper to take into consideration 
the avowed motives which gave it birth. The Legislature, 
in their session of 1831, adopted the following resolutions : 

" Resolved, that the increased proportion of the free 
people of color, in this State, to the white population — the 
evils growing out of their connexion and urirestrained as- 
sociation with the slaves, their habits and manner of obtain- 
ing a subsistence, and their withdrawing a large portion 
of employment from the laboring class of the white popu- 
lation, are subjects of momentous and grave consideration 
to the good people of this State. 

" Resolved, that, as philanthropists and lovers of freedom, 
we deplore the existence of slavery among us, and would 
use our utmost exertions to ameliorate its condition : yet 
we consider the unrestricted power of manumission as 
fraught with ultimate evils, of a more dangerous tendency 
than the circumstance of slavery alone ; and that any act, 
having for its object the mitigation of these joint evils, not 
inconsistent with other paramount considerations, would be 
worthy the attention and deliberation of the representatives 
of a free, liberal-minded, and enlightened people." 

Another resolution followed, declaring that, by the Co- 
lonization of free people of color in Africa, " these evils 
may be measurably diminished," and a committee was ap- 
pointed to frame a bill upon " the principles" of these re- 
solutions. 

Such, then, are the principles of the Maryland benevo- 
lent system; and which of them is derived from the gospel 
of Christ? So far as the system relates to the free blacks, 
it proposes their removal, not out of kindness to them, but 



MARYLAND COLONIZATION. W 

because they are supposed to be injurious to slave proper- 
ty ; because their habits and manner of obtaining a sub- 
sistence, the necessary results of wicked laws, are vicious ; 
and because they enter into competition with white laborers. 
This last accusation against the free blacks, is a most extra- 
ordinary one, when made by a people, who keep in their 
employment more than one hundred thousand black 
LABORERS, who loil without wages, and subsist on the scan- 
tiest fare ; and yet the interference of these laborers with 
" the laboring class of the white population," occasions no 
uneasiness, and leads to no plan for their removal. And 
what are the principles of this system with regard to slaves ? 
Why, that it is worse to give a slave his liberty here, than 
to keep him in bondage ; but at the same time, that " the 
utmost exertions" ought to be made to "ameliorate his con- 
dition." Let us now proceed to the practical application 
of these principles. At the next session, a report was pre- 
sented, in which calculations are entered into, to show that 
"the WHOLE of this population (of free blacks) can be re- 
moved in the course of one generation alone." But the 
Legislators are philanthropists and lovers of freedom, and 
deplore the existence of slavery. Let us see how the com- 
mittee propose to remove this deplored evil. The report 
says of the slaves, " they are property, and must be so re- 
garded, and without their owners'' consent, none of them 
can be touched." 

Here we have a principle which secures to Maryland the 
blessings of slavery /oreuer. In no country in the world, 
in ancient or modern times, has slavery been abolished by 
the unanimous consent of slaveholders. Never has it been 
peaceably abolished but by law. The Northern and East- 
ern States could abolish slavery without the consent of the 
owners : the Republican States of South America could do 
the same : the Legislature of Maryland can rule fifty thou- 
sand of their free colored citizens with a rod of iron, can 
deny them the most common and inestimable rights of hu- 
manity ; but it cannot rescue a human being from unmerit- 
ed and involuntary bondage ! 

Let us now turn to the famous appropriation act. By 
this act, masters are allowed to manumit their slaves, but 
then the manumitted slaves are to be transported beyond 



90 MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 

the limits of the State ; and should a parent or a child, a 
husband or a wife, shudder at parting forever from a near 
and dear relative, the separation may be avoided by a re- 
nunciation in open court of the newly acquired liberty, and 
a public consent to continue a slave ! Such is the bearing 
of this benevolent system on slavery. Let us now contem- 
plate its effects on the free black. The appropriation bill 
authorizes no compulsion, and imposes no penalties on a re- 
fusal to go to Africa. It was not expedient that this bill 
should contain such provisions, and therefore they were in- 
serted in another bill passed by the same Legislature, and 
within two days of the other, entitled, " An act, relating to 
free negroes and slaves." This act, like the Connecticut 
Black Act, is a bold and flagrant violation of the constitu- 
tional rights of free citizens. A citizen of New York, if 
his complexion be colored, may not visit a dying child or 
parent in Maryland, without incurring a penalty of fifty 
dollars for every Aveek he remains, and if he is unable to 
pay the fine, why then he is to be sold by the sheriff at pub- 
lic sale for such time as may be necessary to cover the 
aforesaid penalty. But if a free negro is sold for a limited 
time, he is, in fact, sold for life. During the term for 
which he is sold, he is a chattel, and may be transported at 
the pleasure of his master; and when the expiration of his 
term finds him in a cotton field in Missouri, or a sugar mill 
in Louisiana, who is to rescue him from interminable bon- 
dage ? Should a colored citizen of Maryland cross its 
boundary on business, ever so urgent to himself and family, 
on returning to his home, more than a month after, he also is 
liable to be seized and sold, unless previous to his depar- 
ture he had complied with certain vexatious, legal formali- 
ties ; and which, from ignorance, he would be extremely 
likely to neglect, or perform imperfectly. 

A striking illustration of this " benevolent system" lately 
occurred. A free colored man, living near the line of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, petitioned the Maryland House of Dele- 
gates for leave to bring his grandchild fromtheCity of Wash- 
ington. The child had probably been left an orphan, and he 
naturally wished to take it into his own house. The petition 
was rejected ! ! 

A brisk slave trade is carried on between Maryland and 
the Southern States ; and it is well known, that free ne- 



MARYLAND COLONIZATION. SI 

groes arc often the victims of this trade ; instances occur- 
ring of whole families being kidnapped. Under such cir- 
cumstances many would wish to have the means of pro- 
tecting, if necessary, the freedom of themselves and child- 
ren ; but the new bill forbids them to keep any military 
weapon, without a special licence from a county court, or 
city corporation ; a condition amounting virtually to a total 
prohibition. No free negro may attend a religious meet- 
ing not conducted by a white person. 

As the law thus discourages, and in a great measure pro- 
hibits religious instruction, exhortation, and social prayer, 
among fifty thousand of the population of Maryland, no 
wonder it presumes every one of that fifty thousand to be a 
thief. Hence no person may, under the penalty of five 
dollars, buy of a free negro " any bacon, pork, beef, mut- 
ton, corn, wheat, tobacco, rye, or oats," unless he shall at 
the time exhibit a certificate from a Justice of the Peace, or 
three respectable persons, tliat he or they believe the said 
negro came honestly by the identical article oflTered for sale. 

Such are some of the features of this law, and they are 
well calculated to induce the free negroes to avail them- 
selves of the benevolent and munificent provision made by 
the other law for their transportation to Africa. The con- 
cluding section, however, is the most operative of the 
whole, and promises to afl'ord ample employment for the 
two hundred thousand dollars, and to furnish Liberia with 
an abundant population. It is as follows : 

" Sect. 12. And be it enacted, that if any/ree negro or 
mulatto shall be convicted of any crime, committed after 
the passage of this act, which may not, under the laws of 
this State, be punished by hanging by the neck, such free 
negro or mulatto may, in the discretion of the court, be sen- 
tenced to the penalties and punishments now provided by 
law, or be banished from this state, or be transported 

INTO SOME foreign COUNTRY. 

Hence, if a free negro steals a pound of tobacco, he may 
be shipped off to Liberia. In civilized countries, it hag 
been the aim of the legislature, to apportion punishments 
to crimes, but Maryland has set " a bright example" of a 
simplification of the criminal code, without a parallel in the 
history of jurisprudence. She tells her Judges, " in the 
case of free black offenders, you need give yourselves no 



92 MARYLAND COLONIZATIOK. 

trouble in comparing the different shades of guilt, and 
weighing those circumstances which aggravate or mitigate 
the offence. In certain cases you must hang them, in all 
others, without exception, you may send them to Africa." 

This is the " benevolent system," the " bright example" 
lauded by the American Colonization Society. This is the 
system which is cited as a proof, that Maryland desires to 
abolish slavery. A symptom of this desire occurred in the 
Maryland House of Delegates, in 1834. Mr. Mann moved 
an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing slavery, after 
a certain period. So great was the excitement produced 
by this motion, that the mover Avithdrew it, and the minute 
of the motion was exjyungcd from, the journal. 

The 200,000 dollars, it seems, are entrusted to the Mary- 
land Colonization Society ; and that Society, wishing still 
farther to increase its funds, has appealed to the benevo- 
lence of the North. The appeal is founded on two so- 
lemn official declarations ; first, that it aims at the extirpa- 
tion of slavery in Maryland, by Colonization ; and second- 
ly, that it contemplates " founding a nation on the principle 
of temperance." 

We have seen that a committee of the Maryland legisla- 
ture insisted on the possibility of the removal of the whole 
free black population in one generation. The Society, in 
their address, repeatedly declare their object to be the ex- 
tirpation of slavery by Colonization ; and the legislature 
forbids, as we have also seen, manumission at home. Of 
course, slavery can only be extirpated by the removal, not 
of a select portion, but of all the slaves. 

In what terms ought we then to speak of the following 
resolution of the Maryland Society, published to conciliate 
the friends of temperance at the North ? 

" Whereas it is desired that the settlement about to be 
made by this Society, should, as far as practicable, become 
a moral and temperate community ; and as this is to be ef- 
fected, in a great degree, by the character of the emigrants, 
who leave America for a new home in Africa : and whereas, 
the sad experience of this coimtry has shown the demorali- 
zing effects of the use of ardent spirits. Be it resolved, that 
no emigrant shall be permitted to go from Maryland to a 
settlement from this Society in Africa, who will not first 
bind himself, or herself, to abstain therefrom." 



MARYLAND COLONIZATION. 93 

So the Society is to carry to Africa 100,000 slaves, and 
thus exterminate slavery in their State; and yet they will 
positively refuse to carry one of them until he has taken 
the temperance pledge. But what if a portion of them 
will not consent to take the pledge ; must slavery continue, 
or must means be taken to coerce their consent ? 

None but those wilfully blind, can examine this subject 
without seeing, that the measures adopted by Virginia and 
Maryland, are mere contrivances to get rid of the free 
blacks ; and far more disgraceful in the latter, than in the 
former case, because more disguised by insincere profes- 
sions. 

The New- York Journal of Commerce, a Colonization 
paper, had the candor in speaking on the subject, to re- 
mark, " It is true these states do not propose to resort, in 
the first instance, to compulsory measures ; but does any 
one doubt that they will resort to such measures, if the 
number of volunteer emigrants should not be sufficient to 
exhaust the appropriations made for their removal." And 
a Baltimore paper, (the Chronicle,) alluding to the Mary- 
land acts, avows, " The intention of those laws was, 
and their efiect must be, to expel the free people of color 
from the state." 

Yet do these cruel and perfidious measures receive the 
support and approbation of the Colonization Society. 

There is still a powerful objection to the whole Coloni- 
zation scheme, as a means of removing slavery, to which 
we have not yet adverted. No principle of political 
economy is more obvious than that prices depend on sup- 
ply and demand. If the first is diminished, while the lat- 
ter is increased, or even remains stationary, prices neces- 
sarily rise. We can all understand, that should half the 
sheep in the United States be suddenly destroyed, or car- 
ried out of the country, the value of the remaining half 
would instantly be enhanced. So also, we have no diffi- 
culty in seeing, that should the cholera sweep off* from the 
Southern plantations, two or three hundred thousand 
slaves, there would be an increased activity in the man- 
market, and human flesh would rise many per cent, in price. 
Yet it seems never to occur to Colonizationists, that were 
it possible for them to produce any sensible diminution of 
the slaves by transportation, the same consequences would 



94 COLONIZATION THE ONLY MODE , 

I 

follow. The society propose reducing the number of la- 
borers, but without diminishing the demand for them. Let 
us suppose every free negro, safely landed at Liberia — of 
course all the laborers remaining in the cotvon and sugar 
fields of the South, are slaves. Now the society is gradually 
sending away these slaves, not by freeing at once any town or 
county from them, but by picking them up throughout the 
whole slave region, as it can meet with conscientious mas- 
ters ; taking a few in one place, and a few in another ; now 
stripping a plantation of its slaves in Virginia, and now in 
Missouri. This indiscriminate mode of obtaining emigrants, 
necessarily and absolutely prevents the substitution of white 
for black labor. The plantations thus divested of labor- 
ers, must remain barren till new slaves are procured. 
But the proprietor is too conscientious to buy any, and is 
hence compelled to sell his estate. The purchaser imme- 
diately goes into the market to re-stock the farm. Others 
do the same, and hence arises a new demand for slaves, and 
of course an increase of their value. But as slaves grow 
more and more valuable, the disposition to make presents 
of them to the Colonization Society, will decline. Thus 
does the inevitable mercantile operation of the society, in- 
dependent of all moral considerations, necessarily tend to 
defeat its object. The idea of abolishing slavery, by in- 
creasing the demand for slaves, is about as wise, as would 
be a plan for lessening the circulation of infidel books, by 
raising a fund for their purchase. 

We have now examined the means by which the society 
proposes to effect the removal of slavery, and ti-ust we have 
shown their utter worthlcssness. Were the impractica- 
bility of this scheme, its only objection, the friends of hu- 
manity and religion Avould not be called on, as they now 
are, to meet it with unrelenting hostility — to labor without 
rest, and without weariness, for its entire prostration. Alas, 
though powerless for good, it is mighty for evil ; and its 
baneful influence is leading multitudes of good and well 
intentioned men, unconsciously to countenance doctrines 
and measures, necessarily tending to perpetuate slavery and 
all its abominations in our land. This is an assertion, that 
ought not rashly to be made, nor hastily believed. We ap- 
peal to common sense, and undisputed facts. 

Admitting that Colonization could, in the course of ages, 



OF ABOLITION. 95 

extirpate slavery, ought we, therefore, to reject every means 
of shortening the sufferings of the slave, by hastening his 
liberation ? But Colonizationists, not content with insist- 
ing on ihe efficiency of their own plan, discourage and op- 
pose every other. Now should their plan prove delusive, 
after the lapse of centuries, their influence in preventing 
the adoption of any other, will have been fatal, as far as it 
may have gone, to the freedom of millions. 

"It (Colonization) is the only possible mode of eman- 
cipation at once safe, and rational, that human ingenuity 
can devise." Speech of Mr. Custiss. 13th Report, p. 
viii. 

" Colonization is tlie only expedient by which these 
evils can be mitigated." Speech of J. A. Dix. Af. Rep. 
IV. 1G8. 

" To this country it offers the only possible means of 
gradually ridding ourselves of a mighty evil." 1st Rep. 
N. Y. Colon ization Society. 

" The Colonizing scheme, leading as it does to volun- 
tary manumission, is the only one which true wisdom can 
dictate." Speech of Mr. Key, Vice President. Af. Rep. 
IV. p. 299. 

"I would urge this system of Colonization upon your 
notice, as the only rational plan which has yet been sug- 
gested for relieving our Southern brethren from the curse of 
slavery." Speech of Chancellor Walworth of N. Y. 

" The only rational and practical plan ever devised for 
the emancipation of the slaves of independent States." 
N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, \2th May, 1834. A Coloni- 
zation paper. 

" This great end (abolition) is to be attained in no 
OTHER way than by a plan of extensive Colonization." 
Letter of R. G. Harper, V. President. 2d Rep. p. iii. 

" In our opinion, the Colonization Society presents the 
ONLY safe and feasible plan for the liberation of our slaves 
from bondage." Report of Wilmington Col. Society. 
Af. Rep. IX. 319. 

We have seen the nature and extent of the moral influ- 
ence of this only rational plan in favor of abolition ; let us 
now examine that which it exerts in behalf of slavery. 

In the first place, we ask, what must be the natural 



96 THE SOCIETY DISCLAIMS EMANCIPATION. 

effect on public opinion of such disclaimers as the follow- 
ing ? 

" It is no Abolition Society : it addresses, as yet, argu- 
ments to no master. It denies the design of attempting 
emancipation partial or general.^'' Address of J. B. Har- 
rison to Lynclihurgh Col. Society. Af. Rep. III. 197. 

"Into their (the Society's) accounts, the subject of eman- 
cipation does not enter at all.''^ Af. Rep. IV. p. 306. 

" The friends of Colonization wish to be distinctly 
understood on this point. From the beginning, they have 
disavowed, and they do yet disavow, that their object is the 
emancipation of slaves." Speech of J. S. Green, before 
the New Jersey Society. 

" From its origin, and throughout the whole period of 
its existence, it has constantly disclaimed all intention 
whatever of interfering in the smallest degree with the 
rights of property, or the object of emancipation gradual 
or immediate. ^^ Speech of Mr. Clay, V. President. Af 
Rep. VI. p. 13. 

" Recognizing the constitutional and legitimate exist- 
ence of slavery, it seeks not to interfere, directly or indi- 
rectly, with the rights it creates." Af. Rep. III. p. 16. 

" He considered himself publicly pledged, so long as he 
had any thing to do Avith the Society, to resist every at- 
tempt to connect it Avith emancipation, either in theory or 
practice." Speech of Gen. Jones, a Manager of the Am. 
Col. Soc. 23d Jan. 1834. 

" The emancipation of slaves, or the amelioration of 
their condition, with the moral, intellectual, and political 
improvement of the people of color within the United 
States, are objects for eig7i to the powers of this Society." 
Address of the Board of Managers to its Auxiliaries. 
Af. Rep. VII. p. 291. 

Thus we see, the friends of the Society utterly deny 
that emancipation, partial or general, gradual or immediate, 
direct or indirect, in theory or in practice, is included 
among its objects ; and yet the Society " is the only pos- 
sible mode of emancipation at once safe and rational, that 
human ingenuity can devise I" 

A worthy Vice President of the Society, Mr. G. Smith, 
remarked : "They who denounce us for not favoring or 



SLAVES ADMITTED TO BE PROPERTY. 97 

promoting the emancipation of slaves, might just as well 
denounce the Bible or Temperance Society, because they 
do not step out of their respective spheres, to favor or 
promote the emancipation of slaves." Af. Rep. IX. p. 358. 

But what if a Bible or a Temperance Society should an- 
nounce itself to the world, as about to abolish slavery ; 
should declare itself to be the only possible instrument by 
which slavery could be abolished ; and should oppose and 
ridicule the employment of any other instrument, and 
should then falsify all its professions, and exert its influ- 
ence to justify and perpetuate slavery ! 

Instead of denouncing the society for not stepping out 
of its sphere to favor or promote the emancipation of slaves, 
we denounce it for leaving that sphere, and for favoring 
and promoting continued slavery. The professed consti- 
tutional object of the society, is the colonization of free 
blacks and manumitted slaves. We fully admit, it has no 
more right to meddle with emancipation or slavery, than 
a Bible Society ; and we condemn it, because disregarding 
its professed object, and in utter contempt of its own Con- 
stitution, it has lent itself to support and perpetuate a 
system of cruelty and wickedness. It is painful to make 
these assertions, but duty requires them, and facts justify 
them. We will now proceed to show, that the society, 
(and by the term we intend Colonizationists generally) has 
stepped out of its sphere to acknowledge, that man may 
have property in man ; to justify him for holding this pro- 
perty ; and to vilify all who would persuade him instantly 
to surrender it. 

" We hold their slaves, as we hold their other property, 
SACRED." Speech of J. S. Green before N. Jersey Col. 
Soc. Af. Rep. I. p. 283. 

"To the slave holder, they (the society) address them- 
selves in a tone of conciliation and sympathy. We know 
your RIGHTS, say they, and we respect them." Af. Rep. 
VII. p. 100. 

" The rights of the masters are to remain sacred in the 
eyes of the society." Address of Rockbridge Col. Soc. 
Af Rep. IV. p. 274. 

" We decline assenting to the opinion of some aboli- 
tionists, that though the master's right over his living slaves 
9 



98 SI.AVKS ADMITTED TO BE PROPERTY. 

should be conceded, yet he has no claim of property in the 
unborn, for the reason, that there can be no property in a 
thing not in esse. This position is wholly untenable, under 
any jurisprudence." A7)i. Quar. Review, transferred to 
Af. 'Rep. IX. p. 35. 

The right of property in human flesh, cannot surely be 
more sacred than that in rum ; and yet it would sound 
strange, to hear a religious society addressing the rum- 
seller, in a tone of conciliation and sympathy, and assuring 
him that they regarded his property in rum as sacred, and 
respected his right to traffic in it. 

If it be a question, whether man can lawfully have pro- 
perty in man, who authorized the society to settle it ? 
That it is a question, is evident from the following excla>- 
mationof Lord Chancellor Brougham, in one of his speeches. 
" Talk not of the property of the planter in his slaves. I 
deny the riglit — I acknowledge not the property." And 
yet the right of the West Indian and the Virginia planter, 
rested on precisely the same basis, the sanction of human 
laws. 

Not only does the society acknowledge slaves to be 
I)roperty, but it excuses and justifies those who hold this 
property. 

No motive can operate so powerfully in inducing a mas- 
ter to liberate his slaves, as the conviction that, by retaining 
them, he is acting contrary to the will of his Maker, and 
exposing himself to his displeasure. 

In a manual of devotion, lately published by the excel- 
lent Bishop Meade of Virginia, himself a zealous Coloniza- 
tionist, there is a prayer to be used by the head of a family. 
This prayer, intended expressly for the slave region, has 
this affecting petition : " O heavenly Master, hear me w^hile 
I lift up my heart in prayer, for those unfortunate beings 
who call mc master. O God, make known unto me my 
whole duty towards them and their oppressed race, and 
give mc courage and zeal to do it at all events. Convince 
me of sin, if I be wrong in retaining them another moment 
in hondage.'''' 

It is observable, that in this prayer, the slaveholder, 
when in communion with his Maker, far from claiming a 
sacred right of property in his fellow immortals, dares not 



MANUMISSION DISCOURAGED. 99 

make any claim to them whatever, but alludes to them as 
those "who call me master." It is also obvious, that the 
question of immediate emancipation is pressing on his con- 
science, and fearful lest he is committing sin in holding 
slaves " another moment," he implores the Divine guidance. 
He will, of course, seek for light wherever it may be found, 
and will naturally turn to the Colonization Society, to learn 
the opinion of the eminent men who belong to it, on this 
momentous subject. Now let us see what opiates that So- 
ciety administers to quiet his uneasy conscience, and to lull 
it in profound repose. 

First, he is assured, that by freeing his slaves, he would 
be guilty of great inhumanity towards them. 

" The very commencing act of freedom to the slave, is 
to place him in a condition still worse, if possible, both for 
his moral habits, his outward provision, and for the com- 
munity that embosoms him, than even that, deplorable as it 
was, from which he has been removed." Address to Col. 
Soc. in N. Carolina. Af. Rep. III. p. 66. 

" What but sorrow can we feel at the misguided piety 
which has set so many of them free by death-bed devise, or 
sudden conviction of injustice ?" Address to Lynchburgh 
Col. Soc. Af. Rep. HI. p. 193. 

" There are in the United States 238,000 blacks deno- 
minated free, but whose freedom confers on them, we 
might say, no privilege but the privilege of being more 
vicious and miserable than slaves can 6e." Rev. Mr. Ba- 
con of New Haven. 7th Rep. p. 99. 

" Policy, and even the voice of humanity, forbade the 
progress of manumission." Af. Rep. IV. p. 268. 

" It would be as humane to throw them from the decks 
in the middle passage, as to set them free in our country." 
Af. Rep. IV. p. 226. 

W^as Washington wanting in humanity, when he liberated 
all his slaves ; and was he surpassed in benevolence by his 
nephew, the President of the Society, who avowed his in- 
tention of never giving freedom to any of his ? Was it 
"misguided piety" that induced Jefferson to set his free by 
his last will? Was it an act of perfidious cruelty in the 
State of Georgia to purchase the freedom of a slave, who 
had disclosed an intended conspiracy ; thus under the pre- 



LofC. 



100 SLAVERY EXCUSED. 

tence of rewarding him, perpetrating an act as inhuman as 
throwing a fellow being from the decks in the middle pas- 
sage ? Is the recent act of North Carolina, in paying 1800 
dollars for the freedom of a slave, who had, witli singular 
intrepidity, preserved a public building from fire, of the 
same character? 

Much as Ave respect Mr. Bacon's character, we cannot 
but believe, that could his sincerity be tested by his being 
compelled to choose between being a slave in Louisiana, or 
a free black even in Canterbury, he would prefer the latter 
alternative. It is the more remarkable, that Mr. Bacon 
should have been led to make such unadvised assertions, 
when New-Haven itself, afforded full proof of their incor- 
rectness. Hear the testimony of his estimable and distin- 
guished fellow townsman, Professor Silliman. 

" We need not look far from home to see the pleasing 
effects of the benevolent and disinterested exertions of an 
eminent friend* of the Africans, aided by others of a kin- 
dred spirit — it is deliglitful to the benevolent mind, to see 
so many of our colored people living in neat and comforta- 
ble dwellings, furnislied in decent taste, and in sufficient ful- 
ness ; thus indicating sobriety, industry, and self-respect ; 
to see their children in clean attire, hastening on a Sabbath 
morning to the Sunday school, and on other days, with 
cheerful and intelligent faces, seeking tlie common school." 
Sillimaii's 4ith of July Oration, 1833. 

The slaveholder is farther instructed by the Society, that 
the continuance of slavery here, is at present, and under 
existing circumstances, unavoidable, and that he is perfect- 
ly excusable and innocent, in keeping his fellow men in 
bondage ; and that all the cruel laws relative to slave- 
ry are right and proper. Is all this calumny ? attend to 
the testimony. 

" Slavery is an evil entailed upon the present generation 
of slaveholders, which they must suffer, whether they will 
or not." Af. Rep.Y. p. 179. 

"The existence of slavery among us, though not at all 
to be objected to our Southern brethren as a fault.''' Ad- 

* The Rev. S. S. Jocelyn, an active and public opponent of the Coloniza- 
tion Society. 



SLAVERY EXCUSED. 101 

dress of New York Colonization Society. African Rev. 
VII. p. 136. 

May we ask, how came the states of Missouri, Alabama, 
and Mississippi, which within thirty years were nearly in a 
state of nature, to be now thronged with slaves? 

" It (the Society) condemns no man because he is a slave- 
holder." Editorial article — Af. Rep. VII, p. 200. 

"Acknowledging the necessity hy which, its (slavery) pre- 
sent continuance, and rigorous provisions for its mainte- 
nance, are justified.''^ Af. Rep. III. p. 16. 

" It is the business of the free, their safety requires it, 
to keep the slaves in ignorance." Proceedings of N. Y. 
Col. Soc. 2d Ann. 

"The laws of Virginia now discourage, and very wisely, 
perhaps, the emancipation of slaves." Speech of Mr. 
Mercer, V. President, I. Rep. 

" They (the Abolitionists) confound the misfortunes of 
one generation with the crimes of another." Af. Rep. VII. 
p. 202. 

" We all know from a variety of considerations, which it 
is unnecessary to name, and in consequence of the policy 
which is obliged to be pursued in the Southern States, that 
it is extremely difficult to free a slave ; and hence the enact- 
ment of those laws, which a fatal necessity seems to de- 
mand." Af Rep. II. p. 12. 

" I am not complaining of the owners of slaves: they 
cannot get rid of them." Address before Hampden Col. 
Soc. Af. Rep. IV. p. 226. 

" There are men in the Southern States, who long to 
do something effectual for the benefit of their slaves, and 
would gladly emancipate them, did not prudence and com- 
passion forbid such a measure." I. Report, p. 100. App. 

" Suppose the slaves of the South to have the know- 
ledge of freemen, they would be free, or exterminated by 
the whites. Tbis renders it necessary to prevent their in- 
struction, and to keep them from Sunday schools, or the 
means of gaining knowledge." Proceedings of N. York 
Col. Soc. 2d Ann. Rep. 

" The treatment of the slaves is in general as good as 
circumstances and the cruel necessity of the case will per- 
mit." Proceedings of N. York Col. Soc. 2d Ann, 



102 COLONIZATION PROMOTES 

"We believe that there is not the slightest moral tur- 
pitude in holding slaves, under existing circumstances, in 
the south." Af. Rep. IX. p. 4. 

Thus do we find the whole system of American slavery 
justified on the tyrant's plea, necessity. But this is not all. 
The Scriptures themselves are wrested to confound those 
who recommend abolition. 

The President of the Geneva Colonization Society, 
S. M. Hopkins, Esq., in an address delivered 5th August, 
1834, and published by request of the society, after citing 
various texts to prove slavery warranted by the Bible, thus 
goes on : 

" Here are then five places in the New Testament, 
where the duty of servants (slaves) is expressly and formal- 
ly treated by way of precept, and one case of example, 
making six in all. Ih every one, the duty of obedience is 
insisted on, and in one or more, where the duty of masters 
is treated, there is not the least reference nor hint cf the 
idea, that Christian masters should manumit their slaves ; 
much less that other Christians should preach manumission. 
But I go farther ; as I understand the Epistle to Timothy, 
and as it is understood by such commentators as I have 
consulted, there is an express injunction, applicable to those 
times and circumstances, not to preach manumission."* 

We will not trouble ourselves at present with Mr. Hop- 
kins's theology ; but we may surely be permitted to inquire, 
how it comes that the Constitution forbids Colonizationists 
to recommend and promote abolition, but gives them full 
liberty to oppose it ? Why is the Constitution sacred, only 
when it guards the interests and soothes the conscience of 
the slave holder; and why is it a thing of nought, when 
Colonizationists would empty the vials of their wrath upon 
the heads of those who proclaim the sinfulness of slavery, 
and the duty and policy of immediate emancipation.! 

* Mr. Hopkins professes to be opposed to Slavery, all this Scripture to 
the contrary notwithstanding. 

t It is due to candor to state, that all the principles imputed in this work 
to Colonizationists, arc not held by them indiscriminately. A few indivi- 
duals have honorably and publicly disclaimed one or more of them. These 
disclaimers have however been made, we believe, without an exception, 
since the discussions excited by Abolitionists. No doubt many members 
would indignantly reject the doctrines on which we have commented. The 
pious and well-intentioned supporters of the Society, are just beginning to 



THE INTEREST OF SLAVEHOLDERS. 103 

Let us now scrutinize a little this plea of necessity, which 
is urged by Colonizationists with so much confidence in 
behalf of slavery. Does a Christian Society, do ministers 
of the gospel of Christ, maintain that it is ever necessary 
to violate the command of Jehovah — necessary to keep 
millions in ignorance of the revealed will of God ? Neces- 
sary to trample upon human rights, and to outrage the 
plainest principles of justice and humanity ? Do Protestants 
insist, that it is necessary to deny the Bible to more than 
one third of the inhabitants of the Southern States ? What 
necessity required that Missouri should be a slave state ? 
What necessity multiplied the slaves in Alabama and Mis- 
sissippi from three thousand to one hundred and eighty-two 
thousand, since the year 1800 ? What necessity prevented 
Kentucky from liberating her twelve thousand slaves in 
1790, when New York could liberate ten thousand in one 
day in 1827? What necessity will render Florida and Ar- 
kansas slave states 1 Why did not necessity prevent the 
abolition of slavery in South America, Mexico, and the 
West Indies ? 

The Society, whose moral influence is to free us from 
slavery, not only quiets the conscience of the slaveholder, 
by showing the lawfulness of slavery, but it promises to en- 
hance the value of slave labor, and to divest it of a portion 
of that danger which usually attends it. Let us see how 
Colonization promotes the interests of slaveholders ; and 
let us attend, in the first instance, to Mr. Archer of Vir- 
ginia. 

" He was not one of those (however desirable it might 
be, and was in abstract speculation) who looked to the 
complete removal of slavery among us. If that consumma- 
tion were to be considered feasible at all, it was at a period 
too remote to warrant the expenditure of any resources of 
contemplation or contribution now. The progress of slavery 
was subjected to the action of a law of the utmost regu- 
larity of action. Where this progress was neither stayed 
nor modified by causes of collateral operation, it hastened 
with a frightful rapidity, disproportioned entirely to the 



understand its true character, and hence the numerous converts from Co- 
lonization within the last twelve months. 



104 COLONIZATION PROMOTES 

ordinary law of the advancement of population, to its catas- 
trophe, which was repletion. 

" If none were drained away, slaves became, except 
under peculiar circumstances of climate and production, 
inevitably and speedily redundant, first to the occasions of 
profitable employment, and as a consequence, to the facility 
of comfortable provision for them. No matter what the 
humanity of the owners, fixed restriction on their resources 
must transfer itself to the comfort and subsistence of the 
slave. At this last stage, the evil in this form had to stop. 
When this stage had been reached, what course or remedy 
remained ? Was open butchery to be resorted to, as among 
the Spartans with the Helots ? or general emancipation and 
incorporation, as in South America ? or abandonment of 
the country by the masters, as must come to be the case in 
tlie West Indies ? 

" Either of these was a deplorable catastrophe. Could 
all of them be avoided, and if they could, how? There was 
but one way, but that might be made effectual, fortunately. 
It was to provide and keep open a drain for the excess of 
increase beyond the occasions of profitable employment. 
This might be done effectually by extension of the plan of 
the society. * * « # After the present class oi free 
blacks had been exhausted by the operation of the plan he 
was recommending, others would be supplied for its action, 
in the proportion of the excess of the colored population it 
would be necessary to throw off, by the process of volun- 
tary manumission or sale. This effect must result from 
the depreciating value of the slaves, ensuing their dispro- 
portionate multiplication. This depreciation would be re- 
lieved and retarded at the same time by the process. It 
was on grounds of interest, therefore, the most indispensa- 
ble PECUNIARY INTEREST, that lie addressed himself to the 

PEOPLE AND LEGISLATURES OF THE SLAVE HOLDING 

STATES." \bth Report, p. 22. 

However we may be surprised at the indiscretion of the 
1,1 managers in printing and circulating this speech with their 

I annual report, we cannot but admire its honest frankness. 

Here is no colonization poetry, but plain common sense 
prose. No pictures of the African Elysium, — no anticipa- 
tions of the conversion of millions and millions of Pagans, 



THE SAFETY OF SLAVEHOLDERS. 105 

but intelligent remarks on the true means of perpetuating 
slavery, and keeping up the price of slaves. Knowing the 
utter futility of abolishing slavery by Colonization, Mr. 
Archer will not expend on that topic even his " contempla- 
tion." But the time will come when negroes will be so 
plenty, that it will be difficult to find either work or food for 
them ; and this state of things, if not prevented, will lead 
to the abolition of slavery. But the society may prevent 
such a result by sending ofl' the free blacks, and after they 
are gone, by sending off such slaves as may be manumit- 
ted ; and by keeping open this drain, the undue multiplica- 
tion of slavery will be prevented, and their depreciation in 
the market arrested. 

Let us now attend to the managers themselves. In the 
2d Report, p. 9, they declare that they confidently believe 
that the " Colonization of fhe free people of color, will 
render the slave who remains in America, more obedient, 
more faithful, more honest, and consequently more useful 
to his master." 

" By i-emoving the most fruitful sources of discontent 
(free blacks) from among our slaves, we should render 
them more industrious and attentive to our commands.'''' 
Address of Putnam {Georgia) Col. Society. 

" "What greater pledge can we give for the moderation 
and safety of our measures, than our own interests as slave- 
holders, and the ties that bind us to the slave holding com- 
munity to which we belong." Speech of Mr. Key, Vice 
Prest. llth Report, p. 14. 

" The injury they (the free blacks) do to the slavehold- 
ers' property, by their influence upon his servants, would, 
if valued, amount to more than sufficient to convey them 
from us." Address of Rev. J. C. Young to Col. Soc. Af. 
Rep. IX. 59. 

" To remove these persons from among us, will increase 
the usefulness, and improve the moral character of 'those 
who remain in servitude, and with whose labors the coun- 
try is unable to dispense.''^ Address to a N. Carolina Col. 
Soc. Af. Rep. HI. 67. 

" None are obliged to follow our example, and those 
who do not, will find the value of their negroes increased, 
by the departure of ours." Kentucky Luminary. 



106 EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 

" The free negroes corrupt our slaves. From what has 
been adduced, the expediency of removing this nuisance 
from the community is clearly inferable, both in relation to 
their interests and ours ; and this can only be attained by 
means of the Colonization Society." Internal Improve- 
ments of South Carolina, by Robert 3Iins, p. 15. 

So much for the moral influence of the Society in abo- 
lishing slavery, by rendering it profitable. Now for its 
agency in rendering it safe. 

"The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is 
to SECURE slaveholders, and the whole southern country, 
against certain evil consequences growing out of the present 
threefold mixture of our population." Address of a Vir- 
ginia Col. Soc. Af. Rep. IV. 274. 

" By removing these people, (free blacks,) we rid our- 
selves of a large party who will always be ready to assist 
our slaves in any mischievous design they may conceive." 
Address to a Col. Soc. in Virginia. Af Rep. I. 176. 

" Are they (the free blacks) Vipers, sucking our blood ? 
"We will HURL them from us." Address to Lynchburg 
Col. Soc. Af. Rep. III. 201. 

" By thus repressing the rapid increase of blacks, the 
white population would be enabled to reach, and soon over- 
top them ; the consequence would be security." Af. Rep. 
IV. 344. 

" The removal of every single free black in America, 
would be productive of nothing but safety to the slave- 
holder." Af. Rep. III. 202. 

" So far from having a dangerous tendency, when pro- 
perly considered, it will be viewed as an additional guard 
to our peculiar species of property." New-Orleans Argus. 

"They (the objects of the American Colonization So- 
ciety) are in the first place to aid ourselves, by relieving 
us from a species of population (free blacks) pregnant with 
future dangery Speech of Gen. Harper, Vice President. 
nth Report, p. 7. 

" I am a Virginian. I dread for her the corroding evil 
of this numerous caste, (free blacks.) I tremble for the 
danger of a disaffection spreading through their seduction, 
among our servants.''^ Address of I. B. Harrison. Af. 
Rep. III. 197. 



EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 107 

Thus does the society aim at abolishing slavery, by de- 
claring it lawful ; increasing its profits, and lessening its 
dangers ; and as we shall presently see, covering with oblo- 
quy, and denouncing as fanatics, all who dissent from its 
assertion, that this is " the only possible mode" of reliev- 
ing the country from slavery. 

And why is it the only possible mode ? Because the 
laws of most of the slave states prohibit manumission at 
home, and therefore no master in those states could liberate 
his slaves, did not the society enable him to evade the law, 
by sending his slaves to Africa. But who made these laws ? 
Slaveholders. Who alone can repeal these laws? Slave- 
holders. Then slaveholders prevent themselves from libe- 
rating their slaves ; and hence it is optional with them to 
grant manumission or not. Of course Colonization is not 
the only possible mode of effecting abolition, since the 
slaveholders, if they pleased, might easily discover " a more 
excellent Avay." 

It will not probably be denied, that he who recommends 
a M'icked act, or applauds it after it is committed, partici- 
pates in the guilt of it ; and as by the confession of Coloui- 
zationists, the laws in question prevent abolition, those who 
advise or approve those laws, partake of the guilt of con- 
tinuing slavery. Let us now inquire in what relation the 
Colonization Society stands to these laws. 

In the first place, let it be recollected that several of the 
Legislatures by whom these laws have been enacted, or by 
whom they are kept in force, have decidedly approved of 
the Society. Now listen to the oflicial declaration of the 
Board of Managers. 

" The Managers could with no propriety depart from 
their original and avowed purpose, and make emancipation 
their object. And they would further say, that if they 
were not thus restrained by the terms of their association, 
they would still consider any attempts to promote the in- 
crease of the free colored population by manumission, un- 
necessary, premature, and dangerous^ Memorial of the 
American Col. Soc. to the several State Legislatures. Af. 
Rep. IL 60. 

We find here an illustration of the remarks in our intro- 
duction, on the convenient restraints of the Constitution. 



108 EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 

The managers are restrained from promoting emancipation 
by the Constitution, but they are at perfect liberty to pro- 
mote the pcrrnanency of slavery, by denouncing manumis- 
sion. And to whom is this denunciation made ? To the 
very Legislatures who are striving to effect the same object 
by the laws we have mentioned. And yet Colonizationists 
mourn over the misfortune of the master who is prevented 
by law from liberating his slaves ! But perhaps the lan- 
guage we have quoted was used inadvertently, and does not 
represent the sentiments of Colonizationists generally. 
Let us see. 

" This law, (a law of Virginia, by which a manumitted 
negro becomes again a slave if he remains twelve months 
in the state,) odious and unjust as it may at first view ap- 
pear, and hard as it may seem to bear upon the liberated 
negro, was doubtless dictated by sound policy, and its re- 
peal would be regarded by none with more unfeigned regret 
than the friends of African Colonization. It has restrained 
many masters from giving freedom to their slaves, and has 
thereby contributed to check the growth of an evil already 
too great and formidable." Memorial from Powhattan 
Col. Soc. to Virginia Legislature. 

" To set them (the slaves) loose among us, would be an 
evil more intolerable than slavery itself." Report of Ken- 
tucky Col. Soc. Af. Rep. VL 81. 

" As long as our present feelings and prejudices exist, 
the abolition of slavery cannot be accomplished without 
the removal of the blacks." 'Zd Report N. York. Soc. 

" If the question were submitted, whether there should 
be either immediate or gradual emancipation of all the 
slaves in the United States, without their removal, painful 
as it is to express the opinion, I have no doubt that it 
would be unwise to emancipate them." Speech of Mr. 
Clay, Vice President, to Kentucky Society. Af. Rep. 

vr 5. 

Here we find a Vice President of the Parent Society 
advocating perpetual slavery in preference to even gradual 
emanciption. 

" They (Colonizationists) entertain the opinion gene- 
rally, that if vmiversal emancipation were practicable, nei- 
ther the interest of the master, the happiness of the slave, 



EMANCIPATION CONDEMNED. 109 

nor the welfare of the colony which they have at heart, 
would make it desirable." Mr. Barton's Address to a 
Col. Soc. in Virginia. Af. Rep. VI. 291. 

" Resolved, That we superadd our decided opinion 
that Colonization ought to keep equal pace with manu- 
mission of people of color throughout the United States." 
Proceedings of Col. meeting at Plattsburgh, N. York, 4th 
July, 1833. 

" A7iy scheme of emancipation, without Colonization, 
they know to be productive of nothing but evil." Speech 
of Mr. Key, a Vice President. Af Rep. IV. 300. 
' " We would say, liberate them only on condition of 
their going to Africa or Hayti." Af. Rep. III. 26. 

" I am strongly opposed to emancipation in every 
SHAPE AND DEGREE, unless accompanied by Colonization." 
Letter from R. G. Harper, V. President, to Secretary of 
the Society, 20th Avgvst, 1817. 

" It is a well established point, that the public safety 
forbids either the emancipation or the general instruction 
of the slaves." 7th Report, p. 94. 

" So long as we can hold' a pen, we will employ it heart 
and hand, against the advocates of immediate emancipa- 
tion, or ANY emancipation that does not contemplate expa- 
triation.''^ N. Y. Courier and Enqiiirer, a Col. paper, 
10th July, 1834. 

" Emancipation, with liberty to remain on this side of 
the Atlantic, is but an act of dreamy madness." Speech of 
Mr. Custiss, ISth Report, p. 8. 

" What right, I demand, have the children of Africa to 
a homestead in the white man's country ?" Speech of Mr. 
Custiss, 14th Report, p. 21. 

It is a pity Mr. Custiss does not ask his conscience what 
right he has to confine a child of Africa to a homestead on 
his own plantation ; and why money was raised by public 
subscription to purchase permission for Philip Lee to leave 
a homestead to which he had no right ? 

What abundant cause for gratitude to Almighty God, 
have the Northern States, that the Colonization scheme 
was not devised some forty years sooner. Had the doc- 
trines taught by the society been then held by our statesmen 
10 



110 THE SOCIETY PREVENTS MANUMISSION. 

and divines, the dark cloud of slavery would now be brood- 
ing over our whole land. 

We have seen that the whole influence of the society and 
of the colonizing Legislatures, is to vindicate and preserve 
and enforce the laws against manumission. And now, 
after defending and strengthening this barrier against hu- 
man freedom, the society glorifies itself for its benevolence 
in having opened a little crevice through which, in sixteen 
years, a few hundred captives, out of millions, have escaped ! 
Had the society and its friends opposed these laws, they 
would long since have been swept away, and thousands and 
tens of thousands would have been free, who are now pin- 
ing in bondage. In 1782, Virginia repealed her restraining 
law, and in nine years, 10,000 slaves were manumitted. 
The slaveholders became alarmed, — their vocation was 
in danger of becoming disreputable, and the law was re- 
enacted. 

We have all heard much of the evils resulting from the 
traffic in ardent spirits, and we know that multitudes arc 
endeavoring to suppress it, by insisting that it is sinful, and 
that Christian duty recjuires its immediate abolition. Now 
let us suppose a society for abolishing it, to be formed on 
the model of the Colonization Society, and ask ourselves 
how it would proceed, and what would be the prospect of 
its success. Such a society would begin by informing the 
venders, that it held their property in rum sacred, and re- 
spected their right to sell it, — that as yet, it addressed argu- 
ments to no vender to induce him to abandon the traffic. 
That it was, indeed, a political evil, but it was one they had 
unfortunately engaged in, and which the necessities of 
themselves and families compelled them to continue for the 
present, — that the society condemned no man for being a 
rum-seller, — that it had no connexion with the fanatics and 
incendiaries who denounced the business as sinful, and de- 
manded its immediate abolition. But, inasmuch as the so- 
ciety knew that the venders were anxious to get rid of the 
rum they unfortunately possessed, it had appointed agents 
who would gratuitously afford their aid in removing and 
emptying rum-casks, and it trusted the moral influence of 
this proffered aid would in a century or more, effect the to- 
tal abolition of the traffic. 



ANTI-ABOLITION ASSOCIATION. Ill 

The absurdity of the conclusion, in the supposed case, 
is obvious ; and did not prejudice impair our vision, wc 
should see an equal absurdity in the professed expectations 
of Colonizationists. But is our illustration a parallel case ? 
No : for our ideal society does not profess to regard any 
other evil as greater than the indefinite continuance of the 
traffic, while the real one boldly and unequivocally declares 
for perpetual slavery in preference to emancipation, either 
immediate or gradual, without expatriation. Now if the 
expatriation of the whole body of slaves be both physical- 
ly and morally impossible ; if the slaves could not be trans- 
ported and maintained in Africa, Avere the masters willing 
to surrender them; and if the masters would not sur- 
render them, even if they could instantly be transported 
and maintained, then it follows irresistibly, that the moral 
influence of the American Colonization Society is to per- 
petuate slavery in the United States. 

We can scarcely persuade ourselves, that any honest Co- 
lonizationist can, in view of all the facts which have been de- 
veloped, seriously believe that slavery will ever be removed 
by colonization. Still there may be some who are indulging 
the hope, that this scheme is promoting emancipation. We 
entreat the attention of such to the proofs we will now 
offer, that the society is in fact 



AN ANTI-ABOLITION ASSOCIATION. 

On the 9th January, 1828, Mr. Harrison, of Virginia, in 
addressing the Society at its annual meeting, used the fol- 
lowing language : "The Society having declared that it is 
in no wise allied to any Abolition Society in America or 
elsewhere, is ready when there is need, to pass a censure 
iipon such Societies in America." 11th /2e/)07'^ p. 14. 

The pledge thus given in behalf, and in the presence of 
the society, was published and circulated by the Board of 
Managers. It was a gross violation of the Constitution, 
and an unblushing outrage on the multiplied professions of 
the society, that its only object was the Colonization of 
free blacks. But we cannot understand the full meaning 
and unholy nature of this pledge, without adverting to the 



113 CENSURES ABOLITION SOCIETIES. 

Abolition Societies to which it related. This pledge, be it 
remembered, had no reference to the associations now 
known as Anti-slavery Societies, and which are accused of 
a design to destroy the Union — to drench the land in 
human gore, and to produce by marriage an amalgamation 
of color. Such societies Avere unknown, such charges un- 
heard of, when this pledge was given. The Abolition So- 
cieties which were to be censured, were societies founded 
by Jay and Franklin, and which advocated gradual 
emancipation. 

The first society ever formed, it is believed, for the abo- 
lition of slavery, was organized in the city of New-York, 
January, 1785, under the presidency of John Jay. The 
principles maintained by this society, may be gathered from 
the preamble to its Constitution. 

" The benevolent Creator and Father of all men, having 
given them all an equal right to life, liberty, and property, 
no sovereign power on earth can justly deprive them of 
either, but in conformity to impartial government, and laws, 
to which they have expressly or tacitly consented. It is 
our duty, therefore, as free citizens and Christians, not only 
to regard with compassion the injustice done to those among 
us, who are held as slaves, but to endeavor, by lawful 
means, to enable them to share equally with us in the civil 
and religious liberty with which an indulgent Providence 
has blessed these states, and to which these our brethren 
are by nature as much entitled as ourselves.'''' 

The next Abolition Society was that of Pennsylvania, 
founded in 1787, under the presidency of Franklin. 
Slaveholders were expressly excluded. The constitution 
declares, that it has pleased " the Creator of the world 
to make of one flesh all the children of men," and 
that it is the especial duty of those who acknowledge the 
obligations of Christianity, to use such means as are in 
their power to extend the blessings of freedom " to every 
part of our race." 

Abolition Societies gradually multiplied, and exercised 
a salutary influence in promoting emancipation at the 
North. But they were not confined to the North ; they 
soon sprang up in the slave states, and scattered and feeble 
rays of light began to pierce the dense cloud which brooded 



FORMER ABOLITION SOCIETIES. 113 

over the southern country. Unity of action and of pur- 
pose, was secured by triennial conventions of delegates 
from the several societies. No organized opposition had 
ever been oftered to these associations. The moral sense 
of the community, unperverted by Colonization, would not 
then have tolerated the scenes we have since witnessed. 
The respect in which Abolition Societies were held, is 
evinced by the following extract from the journals of Con- 
gress : 

" House of Representatives, \Sth Feb. 1809. 

'* Resolved, That the Speaker be requested to acknow- 
ledge the receipt and acceptance of Clarkson's History of 
Slavery, presented by the American Convention, for pro- 
moting the abolition of slavery, and improving the condi- 
tion of the Africans, and that the said work be deposited 
in the library." The Speaker accordingly returned an 
official letter of thanks to the Convention. 

Only three months before, Mr. Harrison, as herald of the 
Colonization Society, proclaimed war against Abolition 
Societies, the Convention met at Baltimore, the capital of 
a slave state. To this Convention delegates or communica- 
tions were sent from the following Abolition Societies, viz. : 

New-York, Andover, Mass. 

Rhode-Island, Williams College, Mass, 

Pennsylvania, Loudon Co., Virginia, 

Western Pennsylvania, N. Carolina, with 40 branches, 
Maryland, with 5 branches, Delaware, 

Tennessee, Centreville, Penn. 

West Tennessee, Brownsville, do, / 
Munro Co., Ohio, 

This Convention, among other measures, petitioned 
Congress for the abolition of slavery in the District of Co- 
lumbia, and exhorted the friends of Abolition to use their 
efforts to procure " the removal of all existing legal impe- 
diments in the way of educating the people of color." Such 
was the promising state of public feeling, at the very mo- 
ment when the Colonization Society announced its cru- 
sade against Abolition. The vigor, and constancy with 
which it has been carried on to the present time, are 
known to all who have watched its progress. The 



114 CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 

Abolition Societies, and their conventions, have withered 
under the " censure" of their powerful enemy, and 
have shrunk from public notice. Within the last two 
years, they have been partially succeeded by more sturdy 
associations, named Anti-slavery Societies, which, instead 
of quailing beneath the frowns of their foe, have dared to 
grapple with him in mortal conflict, and to stake the hopes 
of freedom on the issue. If, in this struggle, Abolitionists 
have not always distinguished themselves by their courte- 
ous bearing, let it be recollected, that they believe the 
happiness of millions depends on their efforts ; and, also, 
that by their haughty adversary, they have been treated as 
wretches who deserve punishment ; not as the generous 
and disinterested champions of the oppressed and friend- 
less. Let us observe the manner in which they are assailed 
by members of a religions society. 

" It (the society) is nowise mingled or confounded with 
the broad sweeping views of a few fanatics in America, 
who would urge us on to the sudden and total abolition of 
slavery." Af Rep. III. 197. 

" Come, ye Abolitionists, away with your ^vild enthusi- 
asm, your misguided philanthropy." Af. Rep. VII. 100. 

" Resolved, that we view all attempts to prejudice the 
public mind, or excite the popular feeling, on the subject of 
slavery, as unwise and injurious, and adapted to perpetu- 
ate the evil which it is proposed to eradicate." Col. Meet- 
ing at Northampton, Mass. Af. Rep. VIII. 283. 

After a public discussion of the Colonization scheme in 
Utica, the Common Council came to the rescue of. the so- 
ciety, by discharging resolutions against the Abolitionists. 
For example : 

" Whereas, certain individuals now in our city, are dis- 
turbing the peace of the good citizens thereof, by incul- 
cating sentiments which we deem demoralizing in them- 
selves, and little short of treason towards the govern- 
ment of our country," &lc. 

" Resolved, that, in the opinion of this meeting, it is 
the solemn duty of every patriot and philanthropist, to 
discountenance and oppose the eflx>rts of Anti-slavery So- 
cieties." Col. Soc. of Middletoum, Conn. 6th March, 
1834. 



CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 115 

It ^woulcl have been, of course, unconstitutional to aid 
these efforts ; but it seems the society had full authority to 
oppose them. In short, with Colonization Societies, 
every thing is constitutional that is expedient, and nothing 
that is not. 

" The emancipation, to which this resolution directs 
your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous 
emancipation, contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, 
and a still fewer number of reckless incendiaries among 
us." Speech of Chancellor Walworth, at Col. Meeting in 
N. York, 9th Oct. 1833. 

" I avail myself of this opportunity, to enter my solemn 
protest against the attempts which are making by a few 
fanatics. Let us talk no more of nullification ; the doc- 
trine of immediate emancipation is a direct and palpable 
nullification of that Constitution which "we have sworn to 
support." Speech of D. B. Ogden at New-York Col. 
Meeting. 

" We owe it to ourselves not to remain silent spectators 
while this wilu fire is running its course. We owe it to 
those misguided men, (the abolitionists,) to interpose and 
save them and iheir country from the fatal effects of their 
mad speculations." Speech of Hon. T. Frelinghuysen, 
V. President, before Am. Col. Society, 21 st Jan. 1834. 

We are not informed which article of the constitution of 
the society, imposes on its members the onerous duty men- 
tioned by the Hon. Gentleman. 

The Abolitionists in New-York, gave notice of a meet- 
ing for forming a City Anti-slavery Society. In reference 
to this notice, the chairman of the Executive Committee of 
the New-York Colonization Society, Mr. Stone, published 
in his paper, 2d Oct. 1833, the following from a corres- 
pondent. 

" Is it possible, that our citizens can look quietly on, 
while the llames of discord are rising? while even our 
pulpits are sought to be used for the base purpose of en- 
couraging scenes of bloodshed in our land. If we do, can 
we look our Southern brethren in the face and say, we are 
opposed to interfering with their rights ? No, we cannot."* 

j * This communication was accompanied by an editorial admission of 
I the civil rights of Abolitionists. It is to be regretted, that the editor, as 



116 RIGHTS OF ABOLITIONISTS INVADED. 

The hint thus kindly given, was readily taken, and a. mob 
of five thousand scattered the Abolitionists. After another 
mob, in July, had assaulted the dwellings and temples of 
Abolitionists, this officer of a Christian benevolent society, 
thus stated the condition on which Abolitionists might be 
permitted to enjoy the common rights of American citizens, 
security of person and freedom of speech, the press, and 
religious worship. 

" While then our civil authorities should receive the aid 
of every good citizen, in their efforts to put down the mobs 
now nightly engaged in deeds of violence, yet there should 
be a distinct understanding, that the protection of law, 
and the aid of the military, can only be enjoyed or expected, 
ON CONDITION, that the causes of these mischiefs shall be 
abated, and the outrages upon public feeling, from the fo- 
rum, the PULPIT, and the press, shall no more be repeated 
by these reckless incendiaries." Commercial Advertiser, 
lith July, 1834. 

Another Colonization Editor* published the same day, 
and while the mob were committing their grossest outrages, 
the following article : 

" Now we tell them, (the Abolitionists,) that when they 
openly and publicly promulgate doctrines, which outrage 
public feeling, they have no right to demand protection of 
the people they insult. Ought not, we ask, our city authori- 
ties to make them understand this — to tell them, that they 
prosecute their treasonable and beastly plans at their 
own peril ?" N. Y. Courier and Enquirer, 11th July, 1834. 

On conditions similar to those proposed by these gentle- 
men, the Roman emperors were ever ready to afford pro- 
tection to the Christian martyrs ; nor did the Spanish Inqui- 
sition require more, than that none should "promulgate 
doctrines" it disapproved. 

Far be it from us to insinuate, that the conduct of these 
two editors was in conformity with the advice or wishes of 
any respectable Colonizationists; and candor requires the 
acknowledgment, that we have never heard it justified ; but 

will be seen by the next quotation, afterwards proposed a condition on 
which alone, in his opinion, those rights Aould be protected. 
♦ Mr. James Watson Webb. 



INTIMIDATION INTENDED. 117 

it is unfortunately true, that the insults they have poured 
upon Abolitionists, have been countenanced by the example 
of gentlemen from whom better things were expected. All 
this violence and obloquy are not without an object; and 
that object is intimidation. Utterly vain is the hope of 
maintaining the cause of Colonization, or of suppressing 
that of Abolition, by discussion. In every instance in 
which Colonizationists have ventured to meet their oppo- 
nents in public disputation, they have invariably retired with 
diminished strength. Hence great efforts have been made 
by Colonizationists, and by the advocates of slavery, to 
prevent the public from ever listening to the facts and argu- 
ments adduced by the Abolitionists. After a mob of five 
thousand had assembled to prevent the formation of the 
New York Anti-slavery Society — ^after the most unfounded 
calumnies had been spread through the community against 
its members, the society published an address, explaining 
their real sentiments and objects. One would have thought 
it an act of common justice, to give this address a candid 
perusal ; but such an act would not have been expedient, 
and accordingly the zealous editor of the Commercial Ad- 
vertisei-, thus endeavored to prevent it. 

" We are quite sure, that a discerning public will consign 
it to oblivion, by abstaining from a purchase oi \he pestilent 
document. Their curiosity, we hope, will not overstep 
their discretion, in furthering the purposes of the authors, 
by its dissemination. Let this flagitious address descend 
to the tomb of the Capulets. The address in extenso, we 
have not read." 

The Abolitionists, on the contrary, are so far ivova. fear- 
ing the effects of discussion, that they are ever anxious to 
promote it; and when an acrimonioiis Colonization pam- 
phlet * appeared against them, they provokingly advertised 
it for sale, and urged the public to read it.f 

In the war now waging between the Abolitionists and 
Colonizationists, a third party has come to the aid of the 
latter. Those who maintain the sinfulness of slavery, and 
the safety and duty of immediate emancipation, plant them- 

* Reese's Review. 

t See the New York Emancipator. 



118 INFIDEL SUPPORT. 

selves on scriptural ground, and urge the promises, and 
threats, and commands of the word of God. They pro- 
fessedly act as Christians, and only as Christians ; and it 
cannot be supposed that the infidel portion of the commu- 
nity view with indifference an opportunity of wounding 
Christianity through its zealous disciples. At the same 
time, the absence of Christian motive as a principle of the 
Colonization scheme, and the countenance given by that 
scheme to most unchristian prejudices, naturally invite an- 
tichristian sujiport. Certain it is, that many infidel news- 
papers are zealous advocates of Colonization, and that the 
mobs of our cities are always ready to espouse its cause. 

There is no evidence, that with the exception of certain 
editors, the mobs which disgraced the city of New-York 
the last summer, were instigated by members of the so- 
ciety ; yet these mobs were its avowed champions. The first 
mob assembled on the 9th July, at the Chatham-street 
Chapel, the place in which some anti-slavery meetings had 
recently been held ; and breaking open the doors, took 
possession of the building. They then organized, and ap- 
pointing a chairman, passed resolutions approving- of the 
Colonization Society ; and by a formal vote, adjourned till 
the next meeting of the Anti-slavery Society, — a very sig- 
nificant hint. The following guarded notice of this trans- 
action, appeared the next day in one of the journals. 

" From the non-assemblage of the persons who had de- 
signed to occupy the Chapel, it was evident that the ob- 
jects of the meeting had been abandoned, and the friends 
of Colonizatio7i thereupon entered, organized a meeting, 
passed resolutions in favor of their own opinions, and 
peaceably dispersed." N. Y. Daily Advertiser. 

The mob did indeed adjourn as a Colonization Meeting, 
but they had too much business on their hands to disperse. 
They immediately proceeded to vindicate the honor of the 
American name, by mobbing the Bowery Theatre, in re- 
venge for some insulting expressions said to have been 
used by an English actor. 

" After finishing their work at the Bowery Theatre, the 
mob, (says the New-York Journal of Commerce,) in a very 
excited state, repaired to the residence of Lewis Tappan, 



INFIDEL SUPPORT. 119 

(a prominent Abolitionist,) and attacked it with bricks and 
stones. The door, window-blinds, shutters, &c., were soon 
demolished, after which, the mob entered, broke up the 
furniture, and made a bonfire of it in the street." Such 
was the commencement of four days of riot and outrage, 
by the admirers of "the benevolent Colonization system." 
The managers of the city Colonization Society, mortified 
at the character and conduct of their new allies, published 
a card declaring that the " tumultuous meetings^'' at which 
certain resolutions had been passed approving the objects 
of the New-York Colonization Society, " had been held 
without any previous knowledge of the Board," and re- 
commending to every friend of the cause of Colonization 
to abstain " from all participation in proceedings subver- 
sive of the rights of individuals, or in violation of the 
public peacey When before have the friends of a reli- 
gious and benevolent cause needed such a recommenda- 
tion ? 

The Journal of Commerce, a Colonization paper, as- 
signs infidelity as one of the causes of the riots. 

" It was noticed, (it observes,) as a fact full of instruc- 
tion, that last Sunday night, when many of the churches 
and lecture rooms were closed for fear of the mob, Tam- 
many Hall was brilliantly lighted up for the meeting of in- 
fidels, who carried on their mummery without the slightest 
apprehension of danger. The buildings which have been 
attacked, are six churches, (belonging to four different de- 
nominations,) one school-house, occupied as a church, 
three houses of clergymen, a house and store, occupied by 
elders of churches, and a number of houses occupied by 
colored families. Thus, with the exception of some colored 
persons, the vengeance of the mob has been exclusively 
directed against churches, ministers and elders. At the 
sacking of Mr. Tappan's house, a fellow was heard to say, 
that every rascal of a church member ought to be thrown 
off the dock, or to that efi'ect. We think, therefore, we 
see inscribed on the banner of this guilty throng, enmity 

TO THE CROSS OF ChRIST." 

Yet this guilty throng commenced its operations with 
lauding the Colonization Society. 

In Utica, after a public discussion on Colonization, a 



120 NOT A RELIGIOUS SOCIETY. 

mob assembled and burned in effigy a clergyman who had 
taken part against the Society ; and also a layman who 
had become distinguished for his zeal in the temperance 
cause ; and a bundle of Temperance Recorders was com- 
mitted to the flames. 

The following is from the New York Courier and En- 
quirer, 12th May, 1834, and is part of an article in defence 
of the Colonization Society, and in vituperation of the 
Abolitionists. 

" Colleges and institutions are every year founded, not 
for the purposes of general education, but to initiate a new 
race of monks and fanatics in the arts and mysteries of 
clerical ambition, to teach them how best to subjugate the 
human mind, and render female weakness subservient to 
well disciplined Jesuitism. One half of our colleges are 
nothing more than seminaries for educating imcompromi- 
sing bigots," «fec. &c. In this very same article, we are 
assured that " the Colonization Society holds out the only 
rational and practicable mode of bringing about the eman- 
cipation of the blacks ;" and we are warned against the 
" accursed, and disorganizing, and incendiary devices," of 
the Abolitionists. 

Soon after the mobs, a poem was published, entitled, 
"Fanaticism unveiled." The author, in his advertisement, 
declaims against the " crusade which is now waged by a 
fSw wretched fanatics against the Colonization Society." 
Of the religious character of this poetical champion of the 
Society, some estimate may be made from the following 
lines : — 

" And do not dunces spend their cash on 

Such things as we have brought in fashion? 

Fictitious tales in aid of piety, 

Invented for the Tract Society. 

Sectarian Seminaries made 

To teach the true fanatic trade; 

And schools where infancy is told, 

That while one world is paved with gold, 

Another lying somewhat lower, 

With children's skulls is sprinkled o'er." 

The Society unquestionably comprises a vast number 
of as pure and devoted Christians as can be found in this 
or any other country ; and we are fully persuaded, they 
verily believe, that in supporting Colonization, they arc 
doing God service. The zealous co-operation they are now 



NOT A RELIGIOUS SOCIETY. 121 

receiving from persons of very opposite character from 
themselves, should lead them to inquire whether they may 
not be mistaken. 

It certainly does not follow, that a system must be bad, 
because bad men support it; but it does follow, that when 
mobs and infidels espouse a particular object, it is because 
that object is recommended to them by other than religious 
considerations. Yet Colonizationists are fond of represent- 
ing their Society as a religious institution ; and the minis- 
ters of the Gospel are earnestly urged to preach annual 
sermons in its behalf. 

That multitudes of religious men belong to the society, 
is not denied, but the participation of such men in an 
object, does not necessarily render it a religious object: 
otherwise the slave trade was a Christian Commerce, be- 
cause John Newton was a slave trader ; and Free Masonry 
must be a holy fraternity, since it can boast the names of 
more good men, than were ever enrolled in the ranks of 
Colonization. But in what sense can the Society be term- 
ed a religious one ? It is not professedly founded on any 
one principle of the Gospel of Christ. It exercises no one 
act of benevolence towards the free blacks in this country ; 
and in transporting them to Africa, it is by its own confes- 
sion removing nuisances. It takes no measures to Christ- 
ianize Africa, but landing on its shores an ignorant and 
vicious population. It employs no missionary, it sends no 
Bible, and it cannot point to a single native, converted to 
the faith of Jesus, through its instrumentality. On the 
contrary, may we not, in reference to the facts disclosed in 
the preceding pages, affirm, without the imputation of bi- 
gotry or prejudice, that the general influence of the Society, 
is decidedly anti-christian. We have seen that it practically 
tends to the debasement and persecution of the free blacks ; 
to the hardening of the consciences of the slaveholders, 
and to the indefinite continuance of slavery. 

The objects of the society, as stated in the declarations 
of its orators, are of such vast importance, and such godlike 
benevolence, that it is no wonder good men have been so 
dazzled by the gorgeous visions presented to their imagina- 
tions, as to have omitted to scrutinize the machinery by 
which these visions are to be realized. 
11 



122 REPUTATION OF THE SOCIETY ABROAD. 

No one surely needs an apology for having believed in 
Colonization, when Wilberforce could thus express 
himself: 

" You have gladdened my heart by convincing me, that 
sanguine as had been my hopes of the happy effects to be 
produced by your institution, all my anticipations are scan- 
ty and cold compared with the reality." Letter to Mr. 
Cresson. 15th Rep. p. 15. 

No one surely needs to blush at acknowledging that he 
has been deceived in the society, since Wilberforce 
placed his name at the head of a protest against it. The 
following extract from this protest will show how truly the 
Society is now estimated by British philanthropists. 

" Our objections to it, are. briefly these: while we be- 
lieve its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced that its 
real effects are of the most dangerous nature. It takes its 
root from a cruel prejudice and alienation in the whites of 
America, against the colored people, slave or free. This 
being its source, the effects are what might be expected — 
that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, already so 
unhappily predominant — that it widens the breach between 
the two races — exposes the colored people to great practical 
persecution, in order io force them to emigrate ; and final- 
ly is calculated to swallow up and divert that feeling which 
America, as a Christian and a free country, cannot but en- 
tertain, that slavery is alike incompatible with the law of 
God, and the well being of man, whether of the enslaver, 
or the enslaved. We must be understood utterly to repu- 
diate the principles of the American Colonization So- 
ciety. ^^ 

The opponents of slavery in England, as well as here, 
at first hailed the society as an auxiliary, and the anti- 
slavery societies there, in the warmth of their zeal, began 
to remit contributions to its funds : by these same people, 
the society is now regarded with detestation. Probably no 
religious periodical, possesses in an equal degree, the con- 
fidence of the religious community here, as the London 
Christian Observer. The Observer formerly commended 
the society. Hear the present sentiments of its late Edi- 
tor, the distinguished Z. Macauley, Esq., M. P. 

" The unchristian prejudice of color, which alone has 



REPUTATION OF THE SOCIETY ABROAD. 123 

given birth to the Colonization Society, though varnished 
over with other more plausible pretences, and veiled under 
a profession of Christian regard, for the temporal and spi- 
ritual interests of the negro, which is belied by the whole 
course of its reasonings, and the spirit of its measures, is 
so detestable in itself, that I think it ought not to be tole- 
rated ; but on the contrary, ought to be denounced and op- 
posed by all humane, and especially all pious persons in 
this country." Letter X'^th July, 1833, to Mr. Garrison. 

For a quarter of a century, William Allen, a London 
quaker, has been prominent in every good work, and his 
name is familiar to all acquainted with the great Catholic 
institutions of England. This eminent and zealous philan- 
thropist thus writes : 

" Having heard thy exposition of the origin and main 
object of the American Colonization Society, at the meet- 
ing on the 13th instant, at Exetpr Hall, and having read 
their own printed documents, I scarcely know how ade- 
quately to express my surprise and indignation, that my 
correspondents in North America should not have informed 
me of the real principles of the said Society ; and also, 
that Elliott Cresson, knowing as he must have known the 
abominable sentiments it has printed and published, should 
have condescended to become its agent." Letter \hth of 
7th Month, 1833. 

Mr. Buxton, the successor of Mr. Wilberforce as the 
parliamentary leader in the cause of Abolition, thus expres- 
ses himself: 

"My views of the Colonization Society you are aware 
of. They do not fall far short of those expressed by my 
friend Mr. Cropper, when he termed its objects diabolical." 
Letter of July 12th, 1833. 

But is it only in Britain, that good men have found them- 
selves disappointed in the society ? Who compose our pre- 
sent Anti-slavery Societies ? Pious conscientious men, 
who, with scarcely an exception, were formerly advocates 
of Colonization. A Clergyman of Massachusetts, in the 
following passage, expresses the sentiments of a numerous 
and increasing body. 

'* I have been constrained to withdraw my confidence 
and co-operation from this scheme. It is a scheme in 



124 CONCLUDING ADDRESS. 

which I was once deeply interested. I have spoken and 
preached, and written and taken contributions in its behalf. 
I did not then understand the real nature and tendency of 
the scheme. I meant well in espousing it, but I now see 
my error and my sin ; and though it was a sin of igno- 
rance, I desire to repent of it." 

Almost daily do we hear of Colonizationists awaking as 
from a dream, and expressing their astonishment and re- 
gret at the delusion into which they had fallen. 

To the Christian members of the society, we would now 
address ourselves, and ask, have we not proved enough to 
induce you to pause, to examine, and to pray, before you 
longer lend your names, and contribute your funds to the 
purposes of Colonization? Do no secret misgivings of con- 
science now trouble you; and are you perfectly sure that 
in supporting the society, you are influenced by the precepts 
of the Gospel, and not by prejudice against an unhappy 
portion of the human family ? If on a full investigation 
of the subject, you discover that Colonization is not what 
you believed and hoped it was, remember that it is your 
duty to obviate, as far as possible, by a frank and open de- 
claration of your opinion, the evil your example has done. 
Be not ashamed, be not slow to follow Wilberforce in en- 
tering your protest against the society. If that society 
leads to the degradation and oppression of the poor color- 
ed man — if it resists every effort to free the slave — if it 
misleads the conscience of the slaveholder, you are bound, 
your God requires you to oppose it, not in secret, but be- 
fore the world. Soon will you stand at the judgment seat 
of Christ ; there will you meet the free negro, the slave, 
and the master — take care lest they all appear as witnesses 
against you. 



PART II. 

AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 



PART II. 

AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY. 

CHAPTER I. 



Principles of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Character of American 

Slavery. 

The principles professed by the American Anti-Slavery 
Society, are set forth in the following articles of its Consti- 
tution, viz : — 

Article 2. The objects of this Society are the entire 
abolition of slavery in the United States. While it admits 
that each State, in which slavery exists, has, by the Consti- 
tution of the United States, the exclusive right to legislate in 
regard to its abolition in that State, it shall aim to convince 
all our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their under- 
standings and consciences, that slave-holding is a heinous 
crime in the sight of God ; and that the duty, safetj'^, and best 
interests of all concerned, require its immediate abandon- 
ment, without expatriation. The Society will also endeavor 
in a Constitutional way to influence Congress to put an end 
to the domestic slave trade ; and to abolish slavery in all those 
portions of our common country, which come under its con- 
trol, especially in the District of Columbia, and likewise to 
prevent the extension of it to any State that may hereafter ba 
admitted to the Union. 

Art. 3. This Society shall aim to elevate the character 
and condition of the people of color, by encouraging their 
intellectual, moral and religious improvement, and by re- 
moving public prejudice ; that thus they may according to 
their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with 
the whites, of civil and religious privileges ; but the Society 
will never in any way, countenance the oppressed in vindi- 
cating their rights, by resorting to physical force. 

Art. 4. Any person who consents to the principles of this 



128 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

Constitution, who contributes to the funds of this Society, and 
is not a slave-holder, may be a member of this Society, and 
shall be entitled to vote at its meetings. 

Here we have great moral principles frankly and unequi- 
vocally avowed ; the objects to be pursued are distinctly 
stated ; and none are permitted to join in the pursuit of these 
objects without assenting to the principles which avowedly 
render their attainment desirable. The whole structure of 
the Society, therefore, is totally different from the Coloniza- 
tion Society. This being founded on principle, that on 
expediency. This availing itself, only of certain professed 
motives, that inviting the co-operation of motives of all sorts, 
however contradictory. 

In order to judge of the fitness of the objects contemplated 
by the Society, we must first inquire into the soundness of the 
principles by which they are recommended. 

The first great principle of the Society, and indeed the one 
from which all the others are deduced, is the sinfulness of 
slavery. To determine whether slavery as it exists in the 
United States is sinful, we must know what it is. Where 
an institution is unavoidably liable to great abuses, those 
abuses may fairly be taken in account, in estimating its true 
character ; but in order to avoid all captious objections, we 
will now inquire, what are the lawful, or rather legal features 
of American slavery, and we will leave wholly out of view, 
all acts of oppression and cruelty not expressly sanctioned by 
law. The following definitions of American slavery, are, it 
will be perceived, from high authority : 

" A slave is one who is in the power of a master to whom 
he belongs. The master may sell him, dispose of his person, 
his industry, his labor ; he can do nothing, possess nothing, 
nor acquire any thing but which must belong to his master." 
Louisiana Code, Art. 3. 

" Slaves shall be deemed, taken, reputed and adjudged to be 
chattels personal in the hands of their masters and possessors, 
to all intents and purposes whatsoever." Latvs of South 
Carolina — Brevard^s Digest, 229. 

It will be observed that these definitions apply to slaves 
without distinction of sex or age. 

But not only are those now in servitude, but their children 
after them, the subjects of these definitions. 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 129 

The law of South Carolina says of slaves, " all their issue 
and offspring born or to be born, shall be, and they are here- 
by declared to be and remain forever hereafter ab- 
solute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the mother." 

Slavery is not confined to color. Mr. Paxton, a Virginia 
writer, declares that, " the best blood in Virginia, flows in 
the veins of the slaves." In the description lately given of a 
fugitive slave, in the public papers, it was stated, " He has 
sometimes been mistaken for a white man." The following 
from a Missouri paper, proves that a white man, may, without 
a mistake be adjudged a slave. 

" A case of a slave suing for his freedom, was tried a few 
days since in Lincoln county, of which the following is a brief 
statement of the particulars. A youth of about ten years of 
age sued for his freedom on the ground that he was a free 
white person. The court granted his petition to sue as a 
pauper upon inspection of his person. Upon his trial before 
the jury he was examined by the jury and by two learned 
physicians, all of whom concurred in the opinion that very 
little if any trace of negro blood could be discovered by any 
of the external appearances. All the physiological marks of 
distinctions which characterize the African descent had disap- 
peared. 

" His skin was fair, his hair soft, straight, fine and white, 
his eyes blue, but rather disposed to the hazle-nut color ; nose 
prominent, the lips small and completely covering the teeth, 
his head round and well formed, forehead high and prominent, 
the ears large, the tibia of the leg straight, the feet hollow. 
Notwithstanding these evidences of his claims, he was proven 
to be a descendant of a mulatto woman, and that his progeni- 
tors on his mother's side had been and still were slaves ; con- 
sequently he was found to be a slave." 

The laws of South Carolina and Virginia expressly recog- 
nize Indian slaves. 

Not only do the laws acknowledge and protect existing 
slavery, but they provide for reducing free persons to here- 
ditary bondage. In South Carolina, .^rees are imposed on free 
negroes for certain offences, and in default of payment, they are 
made slaves. If a colored citizen of any other state enters Geor- 
gia, he is fined, and if he cannot raise the money, he is sen- 
tenced to perpetual slavery, and his children after him. In 



130 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

Maryland, if a free negro marries a white, the negro becomes a 
slave. In almost every slave state, if a free negro cannot 
prove that he is free, he is by law sold at public auction as a 
slave for life. This is both law and practice in the district of 
Columbia, and with the sanction of the Congress of the Uni- 
ted Slates. In no civilized country but the slave states, are 
children punished for the crimes of their parents; but in these, 
the children of free blacks, to the latest posterity/ are condem- 
ned to servitude for the trivial offences, and often for the most 
innocent acts of their ancestors. 

It necessarily follows from the legal definitions we have 
given of a slave, that he is subjected to an absolute and irre- 
sponsible despotism. 

The master has in point of fact the same power over his 
slave that he has over his horse. Some few laws there ma}'- 
be, forbidding the master to treat his slave with cruelty, and 
so the common law every where forbids cruelty to beasts ; but 
it is far easier to enforce the latter than the former. Any 
spectator of cruelty to a beast, may ordinarily be a witness 
against the offender ; but a slave may be mutilated or mur- 
dere.i with impunity in the presence of hundreds, provided 
their complexions are colored ; and even should the crime be 
proved by competent testimony, the master is to be tried by a 
court and jury who are all interested in maintaining the su- 
preme authority of slave-holders. But although no laws can 
in fact restrain the power of the master, yet laws to a certain 
degree, indicate what kind of treatment is tolerated by public 
opinion. Thus when we find the laws of South Carolina li- 
miting the time which slaves may be compelled to labor, to fif- 
teen hours a day, we may form some opinion of the amount of 
toil which southern masters think it right to inflict upon the 
slaves ; and when we recollect, that the laws of Maryland, 
Virginia and Georgia, forbid that the criminals in their peni- 
tentiaries shall be made to labor more than ten hours a 
day ; we discover the relative place which white felons, 
and unoffending slaves, occupy in the sympathies of slave- 
holders. 

The slave is, at all times, liable to be punished at the plea- 
sure of his master ; and although the law does not warrant 
him in murdering the slave, it expressly justifies him in kill- 
ing him, if he dares to resist. That is, if the slave does not 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 131 

submit to any chastisement, which a brutal master may of his 
sovereign pleasure choose to inflict, he may legally be shot 
through the head. 

In South Carolina, if a slave be killed " on a sudden heat 
or passion, or by undue correction,'''' the murderer is to 
pay a fine and be imprisoned six months. What would be 
thought of such a punishment for the murder of a white ap- 
prentice ? 

In Missouri, a master is by law expressly authorized to im- 
prison his slave during pleasure, and thus may a human being 
be legally incarcerated for life without trial, or even the allega- 
tion of a crime. 

The despotism of the slave-holder, be it remembered, is a 
negotiable despotism ; it is daily and hourly bought and 
sold, and may at any moment be delegated to the most brutal of 
the species. 

The slave, being himself property, can own no property. 
Fie may labor fifteen hours a day, but he acquires nothing by 
his labor. In South Carolina, a slave is not fermitted to keep 
a boat, or to raise and breed for his own benefit, any horses, 
cattle, sheep, or hogs, under pain of forfeiture, and any person 
may take such articles from him. 

In Georgia, the master is fined thirty dollars for suffering 
his slave to hire himself to another for his own benefit. In 
Maryland the master forfeits thirteen dollars for each month 
that his slave is permitted to receive wages on his own 
account. 

In Virginia, every master is finable who fermits a slave to 
work for himself at wages. In North Carolina, " all horses, 
cattle, hogs, or sheep, that shall belong to any slave, or be of 
any slave's mark in this state, shall be seized and sold by the 
County Wardens." 

In Mississippi, the master is forbidden, under the penalty of 
fifty dollars, to let a slave raise cotton for himself^ " or to keep 
stock of any description." 

Such is the anxiety of the slave laws to repress every bene- 
volent desire of the master to promote in the slightest degree 
the independence of the slave. 

Slaves, being property, are like cattle liable to be leased 
and mortgaged by their owners, or ^old on execution for 
debt. 



132 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

A slave having no rights, cannot appear in a court of justice 
to ask for redress of injuries. So far as he is the subject of 
injury, the law regards him only as a brute, and redress can 
only be demanded and received by the owner. The slave may 
be beaten, (robbed he cannot be,) his wife and children maybe 
insulted and abused in his presence, and he can no more insti- 
tute an action for damages, than his master's horse. But 
cannot he be protected by his master's right of action ? No : 
The master must Tp^ove special injury to his property, to reco- 
ver damages. Any man may with perfect impunity, whip 
another's slave, unless he so injure him as to occasion " a loss 
of service, or at least a diminution of the faculty of the slave 
for bodily labor." Such is the decision of the Supreme Court 
of Maryland. In Louisiana, if a third person maim a slave, 
so that he is " forever rendered unable to work," the offender 
pays to the owner the value of the slave, and is also to be at 
the expense of his maintenance ; but the unfortunate slave 
mutilated or crippled for life, receives not the slightest com- 
pensation. The master's right of action is a protection to his 
property, not to the comfort or security of the slave ; indeed 
it tends to degrade the latter to the level of the other live stock 
on his master's farm. 

A necessary consequence of slavery, is the absence of the 
marriage relation. No slave can commit bigamy, because the 
law knows no more of the marriage of slaves, than it does of 
the marriage of brutes. A slave may, indeed, be formally 
married, but so far as legal rights and obligations are concern- 
ed, it is an idle ceremony. His wife may, at any moment, be 
legally taken from him, and sold in the market. The 
slave laws utterly nullify the injunction of the Supreme 
Lawgiver — " What God hath joined, let not man put asun- 
der." 

Of course, these laws do not recognize the parental relation 
as belonging to slaves. A slave has no more legal authority 
over his child, than a cow over her calf. 

The Legislatures of the slave States, when legislating 
respecting slaves, seem regardless alike of the claims and the 
affections of our common nature. No right is more sacred, 
or more universally admitted, than that of self-preservation ; 
but the wretched slave, whether male or female, is denied the 
right of self-defence against the brutality of any person, 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 133 

whomsoever having a white skin. Thus the law of Georgia 
declares, " if any slave shall presume to strike any tchite per- 
son, upon trial or conviction before the Justice or Justices, 
according to the directions of this act, shall, for the first offence, 
suffer such punishment as the said Justice or Justices shall in 
their discretion think fit, not extending to life or limb ; and 
for the second offence, suffer death." 

The same law prevails in South Carolina, except that death 
is the penalty for the third offence. 

In Maryland, the Justice may order the offender's ears to 
be cropped. In Kentucky, " any negro, mulatto, or Indian, 
bond or free,^'' who "shall at any time lift his hand in oppo- 
sition to any white person, shall receive thirty lashes on his 
or her bare back, well laid on, by order of the Justice." 

In South Carolina, " if any slave, who shall be out of the 
house or plantation where such slaves shall live, or shall be 
usually employed, or without some white person in company 
with such slaves, shall refuse to submit to undergo the 
examination oiany white person, it shall be lawful [or any white 
person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct such slave ; 
and if such slave shall assault and strike such white person, 
such slave may be lawfully killed." 

We have seen that the slave laws regard the slave, so far as 
human rights and enjoyments, and social relations are con- 
cerned, as a mere brute ; we are now to see, that so far as he 
can be made to suffer for his acts, he is regarded as an intel- 
ligent and responsible being. 

Divine equity has established the rule, that the servant which 
knew not his master's will, and did commit things worthy 
of stripes, shall be beaten with feiv stripes. If there was 
ever a case to which this rule was applicable, it is to the 
unlettered, ignorant, brutalized slave, intentionally deprived 
of the ability to read the laws of God or man. A code of 
laws prepared for the government of such beings, one would 
suppose would be distinguished for its lenity ; and in the 
mildness of its penalties, would form a striking contrast to 
a code for the government of the enlightened and instructed 
part of the community, whose offences would, of course, be 
aggravated by the opportunities they had enjoyed of learning 
their duty. Alas, the slave code punishes acts not mala in, 
se with a rigor which public opinion would not tolerate for 
12 



134 AMERICAN SLAVERV. 

a moment, if exercised towards white felons, and it visits 
crimes with penalties far heavier, when committed by the 
poor ignorant slave, than it does when they are perpetrated by 
the enlightened citizen. 

Thus in Georgia, any person may inflict twenty lashes on the 
bare back of a slave found without license off the plantation, or 
without the limits of the town to which he belongs. So also 
in Mississippi, Virginia, and Kentucky, at the discretion of a 
Justice. 

In South Carolina and Georgia, any person finding more 
than seven slaves together in the highway without a white 
person, may give each one twenty lashes. 

In Kentucky, Virginia, and Missouri, a slave for keeping a 
gun, powder, shot, a club, or other weapon whatsoever, offen- 
sive or defensive, may be whipped thirty-nine lashes by order 
of a Justice. 

In North Carolina and Tennessee, a slave travelling 
without a pass, or being found in another person's negro 
quarters, or kitchen, may be whipped forty lashes, and 
every slave, in whose company the visitor is found, twenty 
lashes. 

In Louisiana, a slave for being on horseback, without the 
written permission of his master, incurs twenty-five lashes ; 
for keeping a dog, the like punishment. 

By the law of Maryland, for " rambling, riding, or going 
abroad in the night, or riding horses in the daytime, without 
leave," a slave may be whipt, ciopt, or braiided on the cheek 
Avith the letter R, or otherwise punished, not extending to life, 
or " so as to render him unfit for labor." 

Such are n feiv specimens only of the punishments inflicted 
on slaves, for acts not criminal, and which it is utterly im- 
possible they should generally know, are forbidden by law. 

Let us now view the laws of the slave states in relation to 
crimes, and Ave shall find that their severity toAvards blacks 
and Avhites, is in inverse ratio to the moral guilt of the offend- 
ers. 

In Virginia, the laAAS havT recently been revised, and by the 
revised code, there are seventy-one offences for Avhich the pe- 
nalty is DEATH, when committed by slaves, and impriso7i?ncni 
when by whites.* 

* An enumeration of these offences, together with references to the sta^ 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 135 

In Mississippi, the number of these oflences are thirty- 
eight, or rather many of them are not punishable at all, 
when committed by whites : as, for instance, attempting to 
burn out-buildings, to commit forgery, to steal a horse, &,c., 
&c. 

Imprisonment of a slave as a punishment for crime, except 
in Louisiana, is utterly unknown in the slave states. To 
shut him up in prison, would be depriving his master of his 
labor, and burthening the public with his maintenance ; it is, 
therefore, more economical to flog him for trifles, and to hang 
him for serious oflences. 

Where human life is held so cheap, and human suffering 
so little regarded ; it is not to be expected that the dispensers 
of slave justice will submit to be troubled with all those forms 
and ceremonies which the common law has devised for the pro- 
tection of innocence. We have seen that, in many instances, 
any while person may instanter discharge the functions of 
judge, jury, and executioner. In innumerable instances, all 
these functions arc united in a single justice of the peace ; and 
in South Carolina, Virginia, and Louisiana, life may be 
taken, according to law, without intervention of grand or pe- 
tit jurors. In other states, a trial by jury is granted in capital 
cases ; but in no one state, it is believed, is it thought worth 
while to trouble a ^ro^racZ^iiry with presenting a slave. In 
most of the slave states, the ordinary tribunal for the trial of 
slaves charged with offences not capital, is composed of justices 
and freeholders, or of justices only. A white man cannot be 
convicted of misdemeanor, except by the unanimous verdict of 
twelve of his peers. In Louisiana, if the court is equally divided 
as to the guilt of a slave, judgment is rendered against him. 

In 1832, thirty-five slaves were executed at Charleston, in 
pursuance of the sentence of a court, consisting of two justices 
and five freeholders, on a charge of intended insurrection. No 
indictments, no summoning of jurors, no challenges for cause or 
favor, no seclusion of the triers from intercourse with those who 
might bias their judgment, preceded this unparalleled legal de- 
struction of human life. 

However much we may pride ourselves, as a nation on 
the general diffusion of the blessings of education, it ought to 

tutes alluded to in this work, may be found in " Stroud's sketch of the slave 
laws," 



136 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

be recollected, that these blessings are forcibly withheld 
from two millions of our inhabitants ; or that one-sixth of 
our whole population is doomed by law to the grossest igno- 
rance. 

A law of South Carolina passed in 1800, authorizes the in- 
fliction of twenty lashes on every slave found in an assembly 
convened for the purpose of " mental instruction," held in a 
confined or secret place, although in the presence of a white. 
Another law imposes a fine of £100 on any person who may 
teach a slave to write. An act of Virginia, of 1829, declares 
every meeting of slaves at any school by day or night, for 
instruction in reading or writing, an unlawful assembly, and any 
justice may inflict twenty lashes on each slave found in such 
school. 

In North Carolina, to teach a slave to read or write ; or to 
sell or give him any book (Bible not excepted) or pamphlet, is 
punished with thirty-nine lashes, or imprisonment, if the of- 
fender be a free negro, but if a white, then with a fine of 
$200. The reason for this law, assigned in its preamble is, 
that " teaching slaves to read and write, tends to excite dissa- 
tisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and re- 
bellion." 

In Georgia, if a white teach a free negro or slave to read 
or write, he is fined $500, and imprisoned at the discretion of 
the court; if the offender be a colored man, bond or free, 
lie is to be fined or whipped at the discretion of the court. Of 
course a father may be flogged for teaching his own child. 
This barbarous law was enacted in 1829. 

In Louisiana, the penalty for teaching slaves to read or write, 
is one year's imprisonment. 

These are specimens of the efforts made by slave legis- 
latures, to enslave the minds of their victims ; and we have 
surely no reason to hope that their souls are regarded with 
more compassion. 

In vain has the Redeemer of the world given the command 
to preach the gospel to every creature ; his professed disciples 
in the slave States have issued a counter order ; and as we 
have already seen, have by their laws, incapacitated 2,000,000 
of their fellow-men from complying with the injunction, "search 
the Scriptures." Not only are the slaves debarred from read- 



A>LERICAX SLAVERY. 137 

ing the wonderful things of God — they are practically prevent- 
ed with a few exceptions from even hearing of them. 

In Georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, 
break up any religious assembly of slaves, and may order e«cA 
slave present to be " corrected without trial, by receiving on 
the bare back, twenty-five stripes with a whip, switch or 
cow-skin." 

In South Carolina, slaves may not meet together for the pur- 
pose of " religious worship" before sunrise or after sunset, 
unless the majority of the meeting be composed of wliite per- 
sons, under the penalty of twenty lashes well laid on." As it 
will be rather difficult for the slave to divine before he goes to 
the meeting, how many blacks, and how many whites will be 
present, and of course wliich color will have the "majority," a 
due regard for his back, will keep him from the meeting. 

In Virginia, all evening meetings of slaves at any meeting- 
house, are unequivocally forbidden. 

In Mississippi, the law pcnuits the master to suflur his slave 
to attend the preaching of a ivhite minister. 

It is very evident that when public opinion tolerates such 
laws, it will not tolerate the general religious instruction of the 
slaves. True it is, a master may carry or send his slaves to 
the parish church, and true it is that some do attend, and re- 
ceive benefit from their attendance. 

On this, as well as on every other subject relating to slavery, 
we would rather fall short of, than exceed the truth. We will 
not assert there are no Christians among the slaves, for we 
trust there are some. When, however, we recollect, that they 
are denied the Scriptures, and all the usual advantages of the 
Simday School, and are forbidden to unite among themselves 
in acts of social worship and instruction, and that almost all 
the sermons they hear, are such as are addressed to educated 
whites, and of course above their own comprehension, wc may 
form some idea of the obstacles opposed to their spiritual im- 
provement. Let it be also recollected, that every master pos- 
sesses the tremendous power of keeping his slaves in utter 
ignorance of their Maker's will, and of their own immortal des- 
tinies. And now wi-.h all tliese facts, and their consequences 
and tendencies in remembrance, we ask, if we do not make a 
most abundant and charitable allowance when we suppose that 
245,000 slaves possess a saving knowledge of the relieion of 
12* 



138 AMERICAN SLAVEEY. 

Christ ? And yet after this admission, one which probably no 
candid person will think too limited, there will remain in the 
bosom of our country two millions of human beings, who, in 
consequence of our laws, are in a state of heathenism ! But 
probably many will refuse their assent to this conclusion with- 
out further and more satisfactory evidence of its correctness. 
To such persons we submit the following testimony, furnished 
by slave holders themselves. In 1831, the Rev. Charles C. 
Jones preached a sermon before two associations of planters in 
Georgia, one of Liberty County, and the other of Mcintosh 
County. This sermon is before us, and we quote from it. 

" Generally speaking they (the slaves) appear to us to be 
without God and without hope in the world, a nation of hea- 
then in our very midst. — We cannot cry out against the Papists 
for withholding the Scriptures from tlie common people, and 
keeping them in ignorance of the way of life ; for we withhold 
the Bible from our servants, and keep them in ignorance of it, 
while we will not use the means to have it read and explained 
to them. The cry of our perishing servants comes up to us 
from the sultry plains as they bend at their toil — it comes up 
to us from their humble cottages when they return at evening 
to rest their weary limbs — it comes up to us from the midst of 
their ignorance and superstition, and adultery and lewdness. 
We have manifested no emotions of horror at abandoning the 
souls of our servants to the adversary, the roaring lion that 
walketh about seeking whom he may devour." 

On the 5th December, 1833, a committee of the Synod of 
South Carolina and Georgia, to whom was referred the subject 
of the religious instruction of the colored population, made a 
report which has been published, and in which this language is 
used. 

" Who would credit it, that in these years of revival and bene- 
volent effort, in this Christian republic, there are over two 
millions of human beings in the condition of heathen, and in 
some respects in a worse condition. From long continued and 
close observation, we believe that their moral and religious 
condition is such that they may justly be considered the hea- 
then of this Christian country, and will bear comparison with 
heathen in any country in the world. The negroes are desti- 
tute of the Gospel, and ever will be under the present state oj 
things. In the vast field extending from an entire State beyond 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 139 

the Potomac, to the Sabine river, and from the Atlantic to the 
Ohio, there are to the best of our knowledge not twelve men 
exclusively devoted to the religious instruction of the negroes. 
In the present state of feeling in the South, a ministry of their 
own color could neither be obtained nor tolerated. 

But do not the negroes have access to the Gospel through 
the stated ministry of the whites ? We answer no ; the negroes 
have no regular and efficient ministry ; as a matter of course, 
no churches; neither is there sufficient room in white churches 
for their accommodation. We know of hut Jive churches in the 
slave holding States built expressly for their use ; these are all 
in the State of Georgia. We may now inquire if they enjoy 
the privileges of the Gospel in their own houses, and on our 
plantations 1 Again we return a negative answer. They have 
no Bibles to I'ead by their own firesides — ^they have no family 
altars ; and when in affliction, sickness, or death, they have no 
minister to address to them the consolations of the Gospel, nor 
to bury them with solemn and appropriate services." 

In a late number of the Charleston (S. C.) Observer, a cor- 
respondent remarked : " Let us establish missionaries among 
our own negroes, who, in view of religious knowledge, are as 
debasingly ignorant as any one on the coast of Africa; for I 
hazard the assertion, that throughout the bounds of our synod, 
there are at least one hundred thousand slaves, speaking the 
same language as ourselves, who never heard of the plan of 
salvation by a Redeemer." 

The editor, instead of contradicting this broad eissertion, adds : 
" We fully concur with what our correspondent has said respect- 
ing the benighted heathen among ourselves." 

Such is American slavery — a system which classes with the 
beasts of the field, over whom dominion has been given to man 
an intelligent and accountable being, the instant his Creator has 
breathed into his nostrils the breath of life. Over this infant 
heir of immortality, no mother has a right to watch — no father 
may guide his feeble steps, check his wayward appetites and 
train him for future usefulness, happiness and glory. Torn from 
his parents, and sold in the market, he soon finds himself labor- 
ing among strangers under the whip of a driver, and his task 
augmenting witli his ripening strength. Day after day and year 
after year, is he driven to the cotton or sugar-field, as the ox to 
the furrow. No hope of reward lightens his toil — the subject 



140 AMERICAN SLAVERY. 

of insult, the victim of brutality, the laws of his country afford 
him no redress— his wife, such only in name, may at any 
moment be dragged from his side — his children, heirs only of 
his misery and degradation, are but articles of merchandise — 
his mind, stupified by his oppressors, is wrapped in darkness — 
his soul, no man careth for it — his body, worn with stripes and 
toil, is at length committed to the earth, like the brute that 
perisheth. 

This is the system which the American Anti-slavery Society 
declares to be sinful, and ought therefore to be immediately 
abolished ; and this is the system which the American Coloni- 
zation Society excuses, and which, it contends, ought to be per- 
petual, rather than its victims should enjoy their rights in " the 
white man's land." 

To one whose moral sense has not been perverted, it would 
seem a temerity bordering on blasphemy, to contend that such 
a system can be approved by a just and holy God, or sanc- 
tioned by the precepts of his blessed Gospel, Slavery, we are 
told, is not forbidden in the Bible ; but who will dare to say 
that cruelty and injustice, and compulsory heathenism are not? 

We are often reminded, that St. Paul exhorts slaves to be 
obedient to their masters ; but so he does subjects to their ru- 
lers. If in the one instance, he justified slavery, so did he despot- 
ism in the other. The founder of Christianity and his apostles, 
interfered not with political institutions, but laid down rules for 
the conduct of individuals; and St. Paul in requiring masters 
to give their servants that which is just and equal, virtually 
condemned the whole system of slavery, since he who receives 
what is just and equal carmot be a slave. If it was right in 
the time of St. Paul to hold lohile men as slaves, would it be 
wrong to do so now ? If slavery is lawful now, it must have been 
lawful in its commencement, since perseverance in wrong, can 
never constitute right. Let it be explained how free men with 
their posterity, to the latest generation, can now be lawfully re- 
duced to slavery, and forever kept in ignorance of the duties 
and consolations of Christianity, and we will unite with those 
who justify American slavery. 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 141 



CHAPTER II. 

PROPOSED OBJECTS AND MEASURES OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY 
SOCIETY — CENSDRE OF ABOLITIONISTS. 

The next great principle maintained by the Society is, that 
slavery being sinful, it ought immediately to cease. Admitting 
the premises, the conclusion seems irresistible. Sin is opposi- 
tion to the will of our Creator and Supreme Lawgiver. His 
wisdom and goodness are alike infinite, and if slavery be incon- 
sistent with his will, it must necessarily be inconsistent with the 
welfare of his creatures. Reason and revelation, moreover, 
assure us that God will punish sin ; and therefore to contend 
that it is necessary or expedient to continue in sin, is to im- 
peach every attribute of the Deity, and to brave the vengeance 
of omnipotence. 

These principles lead the Society to aim at effecting the fol- 
lowing objects, viz : 

1st. The immediate abolition of slavery throughout the Uni- 
ted States. 

2d. As a necessary consequence, the suppression of the 
American slave trade. 

3d. The ultimate elevation of the black population to an 
equality with the white, in civil and religious privileges. 

But principles may be sound and objects may be good, 
and yet the measures adopted to enforce those principles, and 
to attain those objects, may be unlawful. Let us then inquire 
what are the measures contemplated by the Society. 

Slavery exists under the authority of the State Legisla- 
tures, in the several states; and under the authority of Con- 
gress in the District of Columbia, and in the United States' ter- 
ritories. 

The members of the Society are all represented in Congress, 
and the Constitution guaranties to them the right of petition. 
They will therefore petition Congress to exercise the power it 
possesses, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and 
the Territories. But the Society is not represented in the State 
Legislatures, and therefore petitions to them might be deemed 
officious, and would not probably lead to and advatageous re- 



142 AMERICAN SLAVEBY. 

suit. The Society will therefore use the right possessed by 
every member of the community, the right of speech and of 
the press. They will address arguments to the understandings 
and the consciences of their fellow citizens, and endeavor to 
convince them of the duty and policy of immediate emancipa- 
tion. Legislatures are with us, but the mere creatures of the 
people, and when the people of the slave States demand the abo- 
lition of slavery, their Legislatures will give effect to their will, 
by passing the necessary laws. 

The means by which the Society will endeavor to secure to 
the blacks an equality of civil and religious privileges, are 
frankly avowed to be the encouragement of their intellectual, 
moral, and religious improvement, and the removal of existing 
prejudices against them. To prevent any misapprehensions 
of the real design of the Society, The Constitution expressly 
declares that the Society will never " in ani/ way countenance 
the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting to phy- 
sical force." 

Such are the principles and designs of those who are now 
designated as Abolitionists, and never since the settlement of 
the country, has any body of citizens been subjected in an 
equal degree, to unmerited, and unmeasured reproach. 

We have seen with what kind of temper Colonizationists 
speak of free negroes, and we may well question, when we 
call to mind the obloquy they have heaped upon Abolitionists, 
whether the latter are not in their opinion the greater nuisances. 
Much as the free negroes have suffered from the charges of the 
Society, still there have been limits to the invectives hurled 
against them. No chancellor has adjudged them to be " reck- 
less incendiaries."* No counsellor, learned in the law, has 
charged them with being guilty of " a palpable nullifica- 
tion of that Constitution which they had sworn to support."! 
No honorable Senator has denounced them as " fanatics, in- 
creasing injury and sealing oppression. "J The chairman of 
the Executive Committee of the New-York Colonization Soci- 
ety never asserted that their design was " beyond a doubt to 
foment a servile war in the South." ^ Nor did even the New- 

♦ Speech of Chancellor Walworth of New- York. 

t Speech of D. B. Ogden, Esq. of New-York. i 

tHon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of the Senate of the United States. 

§ Commercial Advertiser, 9th June, 1834. 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 143 

York Courier and Enquirer ever propose, that the city authori- 
ties should inform them, that tliey must prosecute " their trea- 
sonable and BEASTLY plans at their own peril ;" in other words, 
that they should not be protected from mobs.* Nor, finally, 
has any city corporation accused them of holding sentiments, 
" demoralizing in themselves, and little short of treason towards 
the government of our country."! 

But Abolitionists are neither astonished nor dismayed at the 
torrent of insult and calumny that has been poured upon them, 
as though some strange thing had happened unto them. They 
remember that Wilberforce and his companions experienced si- 
milar treatment, while laboring for the abolition of the slave 
trade ; and they remember also the glorious triumphs they 
achieved, and the full though tardy justice that has been done 
to their motives. A few brief reminiscences may be both in- 
teresting and useful. 

In 1770, the British House of Commons rejected a resolu- 
tion, that the slave trade " was contrary to the laws of God and 
the rights of man." Yet that trade is now piracy by act of 
Parliament. 

In 1788, on a bill being introduced into the House of Lords, 
to mitigate the horrors of the trade. Lord Chancellor Thurlow 
ridiculed " the sudden fit of philanthropy that had given it 
birth," and Lord Chandos predicted "the insurrection of the 
slaves, and the massacre of their masters, from the agitalio7i 
of the subject." 

In 1789, on a motion of Mr. Wilberforce, that the house 
would take the trade into consideration, a member pronounced 
the attempt to abolish it " hypocritical, /a«a/zc, and mcthodisti- 
cal," and contended that Abolition must lead to " insurrections, 
massacre and ruin." 

In 1791, Col. Tarleton, in the House of Commons, speaking 

♦Courier and Enquirer, Utli July, 1834. The same paper of the 27th 
Dec. 1834, contains the folio wing. — " We do say, and say in all the earnest- 
ness of conviction, that no meeting of Abolitionists should ever be suffered 
to go on with its proceedings in the United States. Whenever these wretched 
disturbers of the public peace, and plotters of muhder, rapine, and a disso- 
LtmoN OF THE UNION, havc tne impudence to hold a meeting, it is the duty 
of the rational citizens — always a vast majority in everyplace — logo to that 
meeting, and there, by exercising the right of every American citizen, make 
the expression of their disapprobation and disgust, loud enough, and empha- 
tic enough, to render it impossible for treason to go on witli its machina- 
tions. Let sedition be driven from its den, as often as its minions congre- 
gate." 

t Resolutions of the Corporation of the City of Utica. 



144 AMERICAN SLAVBRY. 

of the proposed abolition of the slave trade, declared that 
" the measure was fit only for the bigotry and superstition of the 
twelfth century." Lord John Russell asserted that Abolition 
was " visionary and delusive, a feeble attempt without the power 
to serve the cause of humanity." 

Lord Sheffield could "trace in the arguments for Aboli- 
tion nothing like reason, but on the contrary, downright 
phrensy." 

In 1792, the Abolitionists were denounced in Parliament, 
as "a junto of sectaries, sophists, enthusiasts, and fanatics." 

In 1793, the Duke of Clarence, now William the IV., in his 
place in the House of Lords, declared the Abolitionists to be 
" fanatics, and hypocrites," and so far violated parliamentary 
decorum, as to apply these epithets to Mr. Wilberforce by 
name. Yet has he lived to crown the labors and fulfil the 
hopes of Wilberforce, by giving his assent to the bill abolishing 
slavery throughout the British dominions. 

In 1 804, Lord Temple declared in Parliament, that to abolish 
the slave trade, would be " the deaih-ioarrant of every white 
hihabitant iii the islands^ 

Ten times did Mr. Wilberforce bring the subject of the 
abolition of the traffick before Parliament, and ten times was 
he doomed to witness the failure of his efllbrts ; nor was this 
detestable commerce suppressed, till thirty years after the first 
motion against it had been made in the House of Commons. 
Now, it is prohibited by the whole Christian world. 

When the Abolitionists of the present day, think of these 
facts, and recollect the reproaches heaped on Wilberforce and 
his colleagues, by a Chancellor and dignified Senators, well may 
they thank God and take courage. And who are these men, 
we would ask, whom colonizationists are honoring with epi- 
thets similar to those which the advocates of the slave trade so 
liberally applied to the philanthropists who opposed it ? We 
will suffer an authority justly respected by the religious com- 
munity to answer the question. 

Abbott's Religious Magazine, in an article on the mobs 
against the New- York Abolitionists, says, 

" The men against whom their fury was directed, were in 
general ministers of the Gospel, and other distinguished mem- 
bers of Christian churches. The more prominent ones, were 
the very persons who have been most honored in times pa.st. 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 145 

on account of their personal exertions and pecuniary contribu- 
tions for every benevolent purpose. Let the whole land bo 
searched, and we believe that no men will be found to have 
done so much for the promotion of temperance, purity, and 
every benevolent and religious object." 



CHAPTER III. 

FANATICISM OF ABOl.rriONISTS. 

One of the most usual terms by which Abolitionists are de- 
signated by their opponents is, "the fanatics." It seems they 
are fanatics, because they believe slavery to be sinful. The 
grounds for this belief, have been already stated. But is the 
sinfulness of slavery a luto doctrine ; or has it been held only 
by weak and misguided men 1 Is Wilberforce to be denounced 
as a "wretched fanatic," because he declared, "slavery is the 
full measure of pure unsophisticated wickedness, and scorning 
all competition or comparison, it stands alone without a rival, 
in the secure, undisputed possession of its detestable pre-emi- 
nence." 

Was Jonathan Edwards a poor "misguided" man, for thus 
addressing slaveholders. "While you hold your negroes in 
slavery, you do wrong, exceedingly wrong — you do not, as you 
would men should do to you ; you commit sin in the sight of God ; 
you daily violate the plain rights of mankind, and that in a 
higher degree than if you committed theft or robbery." Were 
Porteus, Horseley, Fox, Johnson, Burke, Jefferson, and Bolivar, 
" miserable enthusiasts ?" Yet hear their testimonies. 

" The Christian religion is opposed to slavery, in its spirit 
and in its principles ; it classes men-stealers among murderers 
of fathers and of mothers, and the most profane criminals upon 
earth." — Porteus. 

" Slavery is injustice, which no consideration of policy can 
extenuate." — Horseley. 

" Personal freedom is the right of every human being. It 
is a right of which he who deprives a fellow creature, was 
absolutely criminal in so depriving him ; and which he who 
withheld, was no less criminal in withholding." — Fox. 

13 



146 AMERICAN SLAVERV. 

" No man is by nature the property of another. The riglits 
of nature must be some way forfeited, before they can be justly 
taken away." — Johnson. 

" Slavery is a state so improper, so degrading, and so ruinous 
to the feehngs and capacities of human nature, that it ought not 
to be suffered to exist." — Burke. 

" The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with 
us, in such a contest." (A contest with insurgent slaves.) — 
Jcffe rson, 

" Slavery is the infringement of all laws — a law having n. 
tendency to preserve slavery, would be the grossest sacrilege." 
— Bolivar. 

We would take the liberty of recommending to the con- 
sideration of certain Methodist Colonizationists, the following 
language of John Wesley. 

" Men-buyers, are exactly on a level with men-stealers. In- 
deed, you say, I pay honestly for my goods, and am not con- 
cerned to know how they are come by. Nay, but you are — 
you arc deeply concerned to know that they are honestly come 
by. Otherwise, you are a partaker with a thief, and are not a 
jot honester than him. But you know they are not honestly 
come by ; you know they are procured by meazis nothing so 
innocent as picking of pockets, or robbery on the highway. 
Perhaps you will say, I do not buy my negroes, I only use 
those left me by my father. So far is well, but is it enough to 
satisfy your conscience ? Had your father, have you, has any 
man living a right to use another as a slave ? It cannot be, 
even setting Revelation aside." 

But Abolitionists are fanatics, not merely because they be- 
lieve slavery sinful, but also because they contend it ought imme- 
diately to be abolished. In their fanaticism on this point, as well 
es on the other, they are kept in countenance by a host of divines 
and statesmen, and by the unanimous opinion of thousands, and 
tens of thousands of Christians. Men of all ranks and charac- 
ters, from John Wesley to Daniel O'Connel, have exhibited this 
fanaticism — it has been boi'ne by the republicans of France, 
the Catholics of South America, the people of England, Scot- 
land and Ireland. 

So long ago as 1774, John Wesley declared : "It cannot be 
that either war or contract can give any man such a property 
in another, as he has in his sheep and oxen. Much less is it 



AMERICAN SLAVERY. 147 

possible that any child of man should ever be born a slave. If, 
therefore, you have any regard to justice, (to say nothing of 
mercy, nor the revealed will of God) render unto all their due. 
Give liberty to whom liberty is due, that is, to every child of 
man, to every partaker of human nature." 

Jonathan Edwards was fanatic enough to assert : — " Every 
man, who cannot show that his negro hath, by his voluntary 
conduct, forfeited his liberty, is obligated immediately to manu- 
mit him." 

One million five hundred thousand persons petitioned the Bri- 
tish Parliament for the total and immediate abolition of slavery. 
Indeed, Mr. O'Connel expressed the nearly unanimous sentiment 
of the whole nation, when he exclaimed : 

" I am for speedy, immediate abolition. I care not what 
creed or color slavery may assume, I am for its total, lis instant 
abolition." 

We have not yet exhausted the proofs of the alleged fanati- 
cism of Abolitionists. It seems they are fanatics, for wishing 
to elevate the blacks to a civil and religious equality witli the 
whites. Certain Colonization editors deny to Abolitionists, as 
we have seen, the constitutional right of freedom of speech, the 
press, and pulpit, and even of peaceably assembling together ; 
and multitudes seem to think, that they have forfeited the pro- 
tection of the ninth commandment. Men of all ranks have 
united in charging upon them designs which they indignantly 
disclaim, and in support of which, not a particle of evidence has 
been, or can be adduced. One of the designs falsely imputed 
to them, is that of bringing about an amalgamation of colors 
by intermarriages. In vain have they again and again denied 
any such design ; in vain have their writings been searched 
for any recommendation of such amalgamation. No Abo- 
litionist is known to have married a negro, or to have given 
his child to a negro ; yet has the charge of amalgamation been 
repeated, and repeated, till many have, no doubt, honestly be- 
lieved it. 

During the very height of the New-York riots, and as if to 
excite the mob to still greater atrocities, the editor of the Com- 
mercial Advertiser asserted, that the Abolitionists had " sought 
to degrade" the identity of their fellow citizens, as a " nation of 
white men, by reducing it to the condition of mongrels." — Com. 
Adv. \ix\i July, 1834. 



148 RIGHTS OF PEOPLE OF COLOR. 

No one, in the possession of his reasoning faculties, can be- 
lieve it to be the duty of white men to select black wives ; and 
Abolitionists have given every proof the nature of the case will 
admit, that they countenance no such absurdity. 

But most true it is, that the Anti-Slavery Society avows its 
intention to labor for the civil and religious equality of the blacks. 
It has been found expedient to accuse it of aiming also at their 
social equality. He must be deeply imbued with fanaticism, 
or rather with insanity, who contends, that because a man has 
a dark skin, he is, therefore, entitled to a reception in our fami- 
lies, and a place at our tables. 

We all know white men whose chai'acters and habits render 
them repulsive to us, and whom no consideration would induce 
us to admit into our social circles; and can it be believed, that 
Abolitionists are willing to extend to negroes, merely on account 
of their color, courtesies and indulgences, which, in innumera- 
ble instances, they withhold, and properly withhold, from their 
white fellow citizens. But who pretends that, because a man 
is so disagreeable in his manners and person that we refuse to 
associate with him, that therefore he ought to be denied the 
right of suffrage, the privilege of choosing his trade and pro- 
fession, the opportunities of acquiring knowledge, and the liberty 
of pursuing his own happiness ? Yet such is our conduct to- 
wards the free blacks, and it is this conduct v/hich the Society 
aims at reforming. The Society does contend, that no man 
ought to be punished for the complexion God has given him. 
And are not black men punished for the color of their skin ? 
Read the laws of the slave States relative to free negroes; alas ! 
read the laws of Ohio, and Connecticut; read the decision of 
Judge Daggett ; behold them deprived of the means of educa- 
tion, and excluded from almost every trade and profession ; see 
them compelled to wander in poverty and in ignorance. Now, all 
this. Abolitionists contend is wrong, and their opposition to this 
system of persecution and oppression is fanaticism ! Be it so, but 
it is only modern fanaticism, and it was not so regarded when in 
1785, John Jay declared : " I wish to see all unjust and unnecessa- 
ry discriminations everywhere abolished, and that the tinie may 
soon come, when all our inhabitants, of every color and de- 
nomination, shall be free and EquAL partakers of our poli- 
tical LIBERTY. 



CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 149 

It requires no great exercise of candor, to admit, that the 
prejudices existing against the blacks are sinful, whenever they 
lead us to treat those unhappy people with injustice and inhu- 
manity. They have their rights as well as ourselves. They 
have no right to associate with us against our will, but they 
have a right to acquii*e property by lawful industry ; they have 
a right to participate in the blessings of education and political 
liberty. When, therefore, our prejudices lead us to keep the 
blacks in poverty, by restricting their industry,* to keep them 
in ignorance, by excluding them from our seminaries, and pre- 
venting them from having seininaries of their own ; to keep 
them in a state of vassalage by denying them any choice in 
their rulers ; our prejudices are so far sinful, and so far only 
does the Anti-Slavery Society aim at I'emoving them. 



CHAPTER IV. 

INCENDIARISM AND TREASON OP ABOLITIONISTS. 

It is not enough that Abolitionists should be represented as 
fanatics ; it has been deemed expedient, to hold them up to the 
community as incendiaries and traitors. The chairman of the 
Executive Committee of the New- York Colonization Society, 
thus speaks of the Anti-slavery Society, in his paper of the 9th 
June, 1834. " The design of this Society is, beyond a doubt, 
to foment a servile war in the South — they have been heard 
to say, blood must be shed, and the sooner the better — this 
Society owes its existence not to the love of liberty, or any par- 
ticular affection for the slaves, but to cruel and bitter hatred, 
and malignity." In an earlier paper, he inserted an article 
accusing Abolitionists of seeking to use the pulpits, " for the 
h<xBe purpose of encouraging scenes of bloodshed." 

Here we find the most atrocious designs, imputed to men 
well known in the community for active benevolence and pri- 
vate worth ; and yet not a scintilla of evidence is offered in sup- 
port of the extraordinary fact, that such men should harbor 

• As one instance anionsj the innumerable restrictions on the industry of 
these people, we may mention, that no free black, however moral and intel- 
ligent, can obtain a license in the city of New- York to drive a cart ! 

13* 



150 CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 

such designs. In this case the accused can of course offer only 
negative proof of their innocence. That proof is to be found 
first in their individual characters. Secondly, in the fact that 
many of the Abolitionists are emphatically peace men, that is, 
they hold the quacker doctrine of the unlawfulness of war, and 
maintain that it would be sinful in the slaves to attempt effecting 
their freedom by force of arms.* Thirdly, in the fundamental 
principle of the Society that they will " never in any way 
countenance the oppi-essed in vindicating their rights by resort- 
ing to physical force ;" and, fourthly, in the fact that Abolition- 
ists as such, have in no instance recommended, or committed 
an act of unlawful violence. 

But by declaiming against slavery, Abolitionists are exciting 
odium against slave holders. If he who labors to render any 
particular sin, and those who are guilty of it odious, is of course 
a " reckless incendiary, few are more justly and honorably en- 
titled to this epithet, than the excellent Chancellor of New- 
York. Few have shown more intrepidity in denouncing the 
venders of ardent spirits than this gentleman ; and Abolitionists 
in their warfare against slavery, may well take a lesson from 
the example he has set them of an honest and fearless discharge 
of duty. Had the President of the New-York Temperance 
Society and his associates exercised the same tenderness and 
gentleness towards drunkards and venders, that he now shows 
towards slave holders. Temperance Societies would have check- 
ed the progress of drunkenness, as little as Colonization promises 
to do that of slavery. 

Thomas Jefferson was not denounced as a reckless in- 
cendiary, when in the midst of a slave population, he declared 
that the Almighty had no attribute that could take side with the 
masters in a contest with their slaves; nor did John Jay forfeit 
the confidence of his countrymen, when during the revolution- 
ary war, he asserted " till America comes into this measure, 
(abolition of slavery) her prayers to heaven for liberty will be 
impious;" nor when addressing the Legislature of New-York, 
then a slave State, he told them that persons " free by the laws 
of God, are held in slavery by the laws of man." 

Nor were Franklin and liis associates regarded as incen- 
diaries for uniting in 1787, " to extend the blessings of freedom 

* Tliis sentiment is held and avowed by the much calumniated Mr. 
Garrison. 



rHAROES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 151 

to every part of our race;" or for refusing to permit slave- 
holders to participate witli them in this glorious effort. 

It was not sufficient to ridicule Abolitionists as fanatics, or to 
stigmatize them as incendiaries ; they must be branded as trai- 
tors and nullifiers. On the 9th October, 1833, a few days after 
a mob had assembled to deprive American citizens of one of 
their dearest constitutional rights, that of peaceably expressing 
their opinions, a numerous Colonization meeting was convened 
in New-York for the purpose of taking advantage of the recent 
excitement, to raise the sum of $20,000. Gentlemen of high 
rank and influence addressed the meeting. Not a word of 
disapprobation of the late outrage escaped them ; on the con- 
trary, the violence offered to the Abolitionists seemed to be 
extenuated if not justified, by the grievous charges now brought 
against them. 

The Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, of New-Jersey, justly distin- 
guished for his piety, his talents, and his station as a Senator of 
the United States, addressed the meeting. " In the course of 
his address," says the N. Y. Commercial Advertiser, 10th 
October, "he dwelt with emphasis and just discrimination upon 
the proceedings of both cis and ^r«?js-Atlantic Abolitionists, 
who are secki?iff to destroy our happy Union." 

Chancellor Walworth, one of the most estimable citizens, 
and the highest judicial officer of the State of New-York, allu- 
ding to the emancipation to be effected by Colonization, remark- 
ed, " the emancipation, however, to which this resolution directs 
your attention, is not that unconstitutional and dangerous 
emancipation contemplated by a few visionary enthusiasts, and 
a still fewer reckless incendiaries among us, which cannot be 
effected without violating the rights of property secured by that 
constitution which we have sworn to support — that emancipa- 
tion which loould arm one part of the Union agaifist another, 
and light up the flame of civil war in this now happy land." 
N. Y. Journal of Commerce, 

David B. Ogden, Esq., a gentleman whose legal eminence, 
and whose purity of character justly give to his opinions pe- 
culiar weight, used the following language : " I avail myself 
of this opportunity, to enter my solemn protest against the 
attempts which are making by a few fanatics, who, without 
looking to the fearful consequences involved in such an issue, 
are advocating the immediate emancipation of slaves, in the 
Southern District. As citizens of the United States, we have 



152 CBAROES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 

no right to interfere with the claims of our Southern brethren 
to the property of their slaves. The Constitution of the United 
States recognizes their right to it, and they have not only a 
sure and undeniable right to that property, but they are entitled 
to the full protection of the constituted authorities, in enforcing 
the enjoyment of it. Let us not talk any more of nullification ; 
the doctrine of immediate emancipation is a direct and pal- 
pable nulUJication of that constitutioyi we have sworn to sup- 
port.'^ Ncio-York Journal of Commerce. 

We might have selected many similar charges from other 
sources, but we have taken these on account of the high cha- 
racter of the accusers, and because the authors are all of the 
legal profession, and of course, aware of the importance of 
precision in all charges of a criminal nature. Not one of 
these gentlemen sitting as a criminal judge, would permit the 
merest vagabond to be put on his defence on a vague charge of 
stealing, but would quash any indictment, that did not specify 
the time and place of the offence, and the property alleged to 
be stolen ; yet they did not scruple to hold up their fellow 
citizens and fellow Christians to the indignation of the public, 
on charges destitute of all specification, and unsupported by a 
particle of testimony. 

Abolitionists are here accused of seeking to destroy our 
happy Union ; of contemplating a violation of property, secured 
by the Constitution they had sworn to support ; of pursuing 
measures which would lead to a civil war ; and of being 
guilty of direct and palpable nullification. When — where — 
how — were these crimes attempted 1 What proof is offered 1 
Nothing, absolutely nothing, is offered but naked assertion. 
Is this equitable ? Is it doing to others as these gentlemen 
would wish others to do to them ? 

But it is not enough that Abolitionists should be denounced 
at home ; they must also be defamed abroad. Mr. Gurley, 
secretary of the American Colonization Society, writes a letter 
(1833) to Henry Ibbotson, Esq., England; and, to give it 
greater weight, dates it, " Office of the Colonization Society, 
Washington." In this letter, he undertakes to enlighten his 
foreign correspondent on some of the ''fundamental errors" of 
the Abolitionists, and ranks among them the opinion, " that, in 
present circumstances, slavery ought to be abolished, by means 
not acting solely through, but, in a great degree against, and 
in defiance of the will of the South." Not a tittle of evidence 



CHARGES AGAINST ABOLITIONISTS. 153 

is given, that such an opinion is held by a single individual in 
the United States. 

Mr. Jeremiah Hubbard, clerk of the Yearly Meeting of 
Friends ! in North-Carolina, in a letter to a friend in England, 
(Af. Rep. X. p. 37) declares that "the primary object" of the 
Abolitionists "appears to be, that of producing such a revolution 
in public sentiment as to cause the national legislation to bear 
directly upon the slave-holders, and to compel them to emanci- 
pate their slaves." 

Now, to all these charges, and to each and every one of 
them, the members of the Anti-Slavery Society plead not 
GUILTY, and desire to be tried by God and their country. 
But, alas, no trial is vouchsafed to tliem : judgment has already 
been given, and execution awarded against them, without trial, 
and without evidence, solely on the finding of a voluntary and 
irresponsible inquest. All they can now do, is to ask for a 
reversal of the judgment as false and illegal, cruel and op- 
pressive. 

It is, of course, difficult to disprove charges, where the counts 
of the indictment are utterly void of certainty, and where, from 
the nature of the case, none but negative testimony can be 
offered by the accused. We have a right to presume, that the 
treason and nullification charged on Abolitionists, have refer- 
ence to their efforts to procure the abolition of slavery in the 
United States. Now slavery exists under the authority of 
Congress, and also under the authority of State Legislatures. 
We will proceed in the first place to exhibit some facts relative 
to slavery in the former instance, and inquire how far the 
conduct of Abolitionists in respect to it, is treasonable and un- 
constitutional ; and we will then make the same inquiry 
as to their conduct in regard to slavery in the several 
States. 



154 SLAVERY BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS. 

CHAPTER V. 

SLAVERY UNDER THE AUTHORITY OP CONGRESS. 

At the last census, there were in the territories of Arkansas, 
Florida, and the Districtof Columbia, twenty-six thousand one 
hundred and thirty-eight slaves. We will confine our remarks 
at present to slavery as it is exhibited at the seat of the federal 
government, and in a portion of territory, over v/hich the 
Constitution of the United States has given to Congress 
" exclusive jurisdiction." In this District of ten miles square, 
there are six thousand slaves ; and the laws under which they 
are held in bondage, are among the most cruel and wicked of 
all the slave laws in the United States. This District, more- 
over, placed as it is under the immediate and absolute control 
of the national government, is the great slave mart of the North 
American continent. 

In 1829, Mr. Miner, a member of the House of Representa- 
tives, from Pennsylvania, introduced a resolution for the gradual 
abolition of slavery in the District. In his speech in support 
of this resolution, many appalling facts were disclosed. It 
appeared, that in the last five years, seven hundred and forty- 
two colored persons had been committed to the public prison 
of the city of Washington. And were these persons accused 
or convicted of crime ? Not one. Four hundred and fifty- 
two were lodged in the United States prison by slave 
traders, for safe keeping prior to exportation. The residue 
were imprisoned on suspicion, real or affected, of being fugitive 
slaves ; and if not claimed as such, were by authority of Con- 
gress, to be sold as slaves for life, to raise money to 
pay their jail fees ! ! ! 

Such are the facts in regard to the prison in the Capital of 
our confederate Republic ; and let it be recollected, that there 
are other prisons besides this in the District of Columbia. 

Of the practical operation of a system sanctioned by the laws 
of Congress, take the following sample: 

"Visiting the prison," says Mr. Miner, "and passing through 
the avenues that lead to the cells, I was struck with the appear- 
ance of a woman, having three or four children with her — one 
at the breast. She presented such an aspect of wo, that I 



SLAVERY BY AUTHORITY OF CONGRESS. ] 55 

could not help inquiring her story. It was simply this : she 
was a slave, but had married a man who was free. By him 
she had eight or nine children. Moved by natural affection, 
the father labored to support the children ; but as they attain- 
ed an age to be valuable in the market, perhaps ten or 
twelve, the master sold them. One after another was taken 
away and sold to the slave dealers. She had now come to an 
age to be no longer profitable as a breeder, and her master 
had separated her from her husband, and all the associations 
of life, and sent her and her children to your prison for 
sale." 

The law of the District, virtually the law of Congress, by 
which any colored person, without the allegation of a crime, 
may be seized and thrown into a cell, and unless he can there 
prove his freedom, or is claimed by another, is sold for life as 
a slave to pay his jail fees, is for unblushing injustice and 
atrocity utterly unrivalled by any enactment of the despots of 
the old world. Mr. Miner states, that in 1826-7 no less than 
FIVE persons were thus sold into perpetual bondage, for jail 
fees. In one case, the United States Marshall lost his 
fees. Hear Mr. Miner. " In August, 1821, a black man was 
taken up and imprisoned as a runaway. He was kept con- 
fined until October, 1822 — four hundred and five days. In 
this time, vermin, disease, and misery had deprived him of 
the use of his limbs. He was rendered a cripple for life, and 
finally discharged as no ojie would buy him. Turned out 
upon the world a miserable pauper, disabled by our means 
from gaining subsistence, he is sometimes supported from the 
poor house, sometimes receives alms in your streets." 

Mr. Miner thus speaks of the American slave trade, as 
carried on in the District. 

" The slave trade, as it exists and is carried on here, is 
marked by instances of injustice and cruelty scarcely exceeded 
on the coast of Africa. It is a mistake to suppose it is a mere 
purchase and sale of acknoivledged slaves. The District is full 
of complaints on the subject, and the evil is increasing. So long 
ago as 1802, the extent and cruelty of the traffic, produced 
from a grand jui'y, at Alexandria, a presentment so clear, so 
sti'ong, and so feelingly drawn, that I shall make no apology 
for reading it to the House." 

Mr. Miner then read the following : 



166 AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 

^'January Term, 1802. 

" We the grand jury, for the body of the county of Alex- 
andria, in the District of Columbia, present as a grievance the 
practice of persons coming from distant parts of the United 
States into this District, for the purpose of purchasing slaves, 
where they exhibit, to our view a scene of wretchedness and 
human degradation, disgraceful to our characters as citizens of 
a free government. True it is that these dealers, in the persons 
of our fellow men, collect within this District from various parts, 
numbers of those victims of slavery, and lodge them in some 
place of confinement until they have completed their numbers. 
They are then turned out in our streets and exposed to view, 
loaded with chains as though they had committed some heinous 
offence against our laws. We consider it a grievance that citi- 
zens from distant parts of the United States should be permitted 
to come within this District, and pursue a traffic fraught with 
so much misery, to a class of beings entitled to our protection 
by the laws of justice and humanity ; and that the interposition 
of civil authority cannot be had to prevent parents being wrest- 
ed from their offspring, and children from their parents, with- 
out respect to the ties of nature. We consider these griev- 
ances demanding legislative redress" — that is, redress by Con- 
gress. 

As illustrative of the horrors and iniquities of the traffic, Mr. 
Miner informed the House of an incident that had occurred 
durmg the previous Session of Congress. A free colored man 
had maried a slave — with the avails of his industry, he had, in 
the course of some years, purchased the freedom of his wife 
and cliildren. He left home on business, and on his return found 
his house tenantless. His wife and children were missing. It 
was soon ascertained that they had been kidnapped by slave 
dealers, and confined in a private slave prison, in Alexandria ; 
from whence they had afterwards been sent to a distant market 
and were forever lost to the husband and the father. 

" There is a man now in this District," continued Mr. Miner, 
" who was in the hands of the slave dealers, about to be sent off 
to the South, when he laid his hand on a block, and with an axe 
severed it from his arm. Can the slave trade, on the coast of 
Africa, be more horrible, more dreaded, or more prolific of 
scenes of misery ? To me all this is dreadful, and I think it 
should not be tolerated here." 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 157 

In 1828, a petition for the suppression of this trade, and for 
the gradual abolition of slavery, and signed by more than one 
THOUSAND of the inhabitants of the District, was presented to 
Congress. From this document we extract the following. 

" While the laws of the United States denounce the foreign 
slave trade as piracy, and punish with death those who are 
found engaged in its perpetration, there exists in this District, the 
seat of the national government, a domestic slave trade 
scarcely less disgraceful in its character, and even more demo- 
ralizing in its influence. — These people are without their con- 
sent torn from their homes ; husband and wife are frequently 
separated and sold into distant parts — children are taken from 
their parents without regard to the tics of nature, and the most 
endearing bonds of affection are broken forever. 

" Nor is this traffic confined to those who are legally slaves 
for life. Some who are entitled to freedom, and many who have 
a limited time to serve, are sold into unconditional slaver^/, and 
owing to the defectiveness of our laws, they are generally car- 
ried out of the district, before the necessary steps can be taken 
for their release. 

" We behold these scenes continually taking place among 
us, and lament our inability to prevent them. The people of 
this District, have within themselves, no mea?is of legislative 
redress, and we therefore appeal to your honorable body, as 
the ONLY ONE vested by the American Constitution with 
power to relieve us." 

We will now exhibit the flourishing condition of the slave 
trade under the protection of congress in 1834. The follow- 
ing advertisements are all taken from the same sheet, printed 
a few months since at the capital of the American Republic: 

" Cash for Two Hundred Negroes. 

We will give cash for two hundred likely young negroes of 
both sexes, families included. Persons wishing to dispose of 
their slaves, will do well to give us a call, as Ave will give higher 
prices in cash, than any other purchasers who are now, or may 
hereafter come into this market. All commvmications will 
meet attention. We can at all times be found at our residence 
on Seventh-street, immediately south of the Centre Market- 
house, Washington, D. C. 

September 13, 1834. Joseph W. Neal & Co." 

14 



158 .a,merican slave trade. 

"Cash for Four Hundred Negroes. 
Including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of 
age. Persons having likely servants to dispose of, will find it 
to their interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices 
in cash than any other purchaser, who is now or may hereaf- 
ter come into this market. 

Franklin, Armfield & Co. 

Alexandria, September \st, 1834." 

"Cash for One Hundred Negroes, 
Including both sexes, from twelve to twenty-five years of age. 
Persons having likely servants to dispose of, will find it to their 
interest to give us a call, as we will give higher prices in cash 
than any other purchaser who is now in this city. 

We can at all times be found at Isaac Beer's tavern, a few 
doors below Lloyd's tavern, opposite Centre Market, Wash- 
ington city. All communications promptly attended to. 

September 1st, 1834. Birch & Jones." 

Thus we find cash offered for seven hundred slaves at orie 
time, in the District of Columbia. Does any one inquire how 
these slaves are to be disposed of? We call his attention to the 
following advertisement in the same paper. 

Alexandria and New-Orleans Packets. 

Brig Tribune, Captain Smith, and Brig Uncas, Captain 
Bousb, will resume their regular trips on the 20th of October: 
one of which will leave this port every thirty days throughout 
the shipping season. They are vessels of the first class, com- 
manded by experienced officers, and will at all times go up the 
Mississippi by steam, and every exertion used to promote the 
interests of shippers and comfort of passengers. Apply to the 
Captains on board, or to Franklin & Armfield." 

Alexandria, September \st. 

Most grievously disappointed and astonished would any 
northern gentleman be, who had taken passage in one of these 
Alexandria and Ne\v-Orleans packers, on finding himself on 
board a SLAVER. 

From a letter of the 23d of January, 1834, by the Rev. Mr. 
Leavitt, and published in New-York, it appears, that he visited 
the Slave-Factory of Franklin & Armfield at Alexandria, 
and was " informed by one of the Principals, that the number 



AMERICAN SLAVE TRADE. 159 

of slaves carried from the District last year, was about one 
thousand, but it would be much greater this year. He expect- 
ed their house alone would ship at least eleven or twelve 
hundred. They have two vessels of their own, constantly 
employed in carrying slaves to New-Orleans." One of the 
vessels being in port, Mr. Leavitt went on board of her. " Her 
name is the Tribune. The Captain very obligingly took us 
to all parts of the vessel. The hold is appropriated to the slaves, 
and is divided into two apartments. The after hold will carry 
about eighty women, and the other about one hundred men. 
On either side were two platforms running the whole length ; 
one raised a few inches, and the other half way up to the deck. 
They were about five or six feet deep. On these the slaves 
lie, as close as they can stow away." 

In 1831, the Brig Comet, a slaver, belonging to this very 
house, and which had sailed from Alexandria with a cargo of 
one hundred and sixty slaves, was wrecked on Abaco, one of 
the Bahamas. 

But this vile commerce is carried on by land, as well as by 
water. Slave-coffles are formed at the prisons in the District, 
and thence set off on their dreary journey into the interior, 
literally in chains. A gentleman thus describes a coffle he 
met on the road in Kentucky. " I discovered about forty black 
men all chained together in the following manner : — each ol 
them was hand-cuffed, and they were arranged in rank and 
file. A chain, perhaps forty feet long, was stretched between 
the two ranks, to which short chains were joined, which con- 
nected with the hand-cuffs. Behind them were, I suppose, 
thirty wome7i in double rank ; the couples tied hand to hand.'''' 
These cofiies pass the very capitol in which are assembled 
the Legislators by whom they are authorized, and over whose 
heads is floating the broad banner of the Republic, too justly, 
alas ! in such instances, described by an English satirist as 

"The fustian flag that proudly waves, 
In splendid mockery o'er a land of slaves." 

But the tale of iniquity and infamy is not yet ended. In the 
capital of our confederated Republic, and with the sanction of 
the Congress of the United States of America, men are li- 
censed FOR FOUR HUNDRED DOLLARS TO DEAL IN HUMAN 
FLESH ! ! 



160 CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OF CONGRESS. 

And now we ask, ought these things so to be? If not who 
can remedy them ? There is no power on earth but Congress. 
No State Legislature can interfere with the District of Colum- 
bia, or suppress the accursed traffic of which it is the seat. 
But who shall rouse Congress to action ? Do we wait for the in- 
terposition of slave holders ? It is they who foster and encour- 
age the trade. Do we appeal to the benevolence of the Colo- 
nization Society ? Alas, all their sympathy is expended on the 
victims of the ^/rica^i commerce; their Constitution aathorizes 
no interference with the American traffic. We have seen how 
far their first President himself, embarked in this trade. No 
less than four Vice Presidents of the Society are at this mo- 
ment, February 1835, members of Congress, and three of them 
Senators ; but not a word has fallen from their lips, relative to 
slavery, or the slave trade in the District of Columbia. We 
are wrong — one of them has spoken. 

Mr. Charles Fenton Mercer, one of the most devoted 
officers of the Society, during the present session of Congress 
voted to lay on the table, a petition presented to the House of 
Representatives for the abolition of slavery in the District, 
thus endeavoring to stifle all inquiry into those outrages upon 
human rights, and human happiness, which are perpetrated 
under the authority of the national Legislature. Yet this very 
gentleman has distinguished himself, by his zeal against the 
African slave trade. 

The American Anti-Slavery Society avows its intention to 
endeavor to influence Congress to refuse any longer to author- 
ize these abominations. And is it for this avowal, that its 
members are branded as traitors and nullifiers ? If so, then 
they appeal for their justification, to the Constitution of the 
United States. 

By the 8th Section of the 1st Article of that instrument Con- 
gress is authorized to " exercise exclusive legislation in all 
cases whatsoever,'''' over the District of Columbia; and by the 
first article of the amendments, Congress is restrained from 
making any law " abridging the freedom of speech or the 
press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to 
petition the government for a redress of grievances." Hence 
Abolitionists have believed, that Congress possess the right to 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and that they them- 
selves are authorized to petition that it may be abolished. Such 



CONSTITUTIONAL POWER OF CONGRESS. 161 

a belief may, perhaps indicate a " wild fanaticism ;" it seems, 
however, to be a fanaticism shared by the Legislatures of 
Pennsylvania and New- York, and even by the House of Re- 
presentatives. 

In 1828, the Pennsylvania Legislature, by an almost unani- 
mous vote, "Resolved, that the Senators of this State, in the 
Senate of the United States, are hereby requested to procure if 
practicable, the passage of a law to abolish slavery in the Dis- 
trict of Columbia, in such a manner as they may consider con- 
sistent with the rights of individuals, and the Constitution of 
the United States," 

On the 9th January, 1829, the House of Representatives 
" Resolved, that the Committee of the District of Columbia 
be instructed to inquire into the expediency, (not the right) of 
providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery in the 
District, in such manner that no individual shall be injured 
thereby." 

On the 28th January, 1829, a Committee of the New- York 
Assembly reported to the House : ' 

" Your Committee cannot but view with astonishment that 
in the Capital of this free and enlightened country, laws should 
exist, by which the free citizens of a State are liable, without 
trial, and even without the imputation of a crime, to be seized 
while prosecuting their lawful business, immured in, prison, 
and though free, unless claimed as a slave, to be sold as such 
for the payment of jail fees." The Committee recommended 
the following resolution, which was adopted by the Assembly : 

" Resolved, (if the Senate concur herein) that the Senators 
of this State, in the Congress of the United Slates,, be and are 
hereby instructed, and the Representatives of this State are 
requested to make every possible exertion, to effect the passage 
of a law for the abolition of slavery in the District of Colum- 
bia." 

And now again do we ask, are Abolitionists fanatics and in- 
cendiaries, and nulll|iers,,and traitors, and all that is foolish, 
and all that is wicked, because they wish Congress to suppress 
slavery, and the slave trade, in the District of Columbia? It 
cannot be, that Messrs. Frelinghuysen, Walworth, Ogden, and 
other upright and intelligent Colonizationists have founded 
their grievous charges against Abolitionists on this ground. 
Let us then see how far Abolitionists have merited these char- 

14* 



162 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. 

ges, for their endeavors to abolish slavery existing under the 
authority of the several States. 



CHAPTER VI. 

SLAVERY UNDEU STATE AUTHORITY. 

We have seen, that the charges against the Abolitionists 
are vague, and without specifications. Friend Hubbard and 
Mr. Gurley, however, give their accusations something of a 
tangible shape. The one asserts, that Abolitionists are labor- 
ing to abolish slavery, by causing the national legislation to 
bear directly on the slave holders, and co?w/?t7 them to emanci- 
pate their slaves : the other insists that it is one of their /«?irfa- 
meyital principles, that slavery is to be abolished in a great 
degree against and in defiance of the will of the South. The 
obvious and only meaning of these assertions is, that it is the 
wish and object of the Abolitionists to induce Co?igress to 
abolish slavery in the Slates. One would think that this 
charge, if true, might be easily proved : some petition, some 
recommendation might be quoted ; but so far from having ever 
seen any proof of this charge, we have never seen even an at- 
ietnpt to prove it. 

Perhaps the testimony on this point of a Vice-President of 
the American Colonization Society, and one who is equally 
distinguished by his moral worth, and his zeal in the cause of 
Colonization, will be listened to with respect by many of his 
brethren. Gerrit Smith, Esq., of New- York, in a speech at 
the Anniversary Meeting of the Society, 20th January, 1834, 
speaking of the Anti-Slavery Society, remarked : " I believe 
that Society to be as honest as our own — as benevolent and 
patriotic as our own. Its members love their fellow men, and 
love their country, and love the Pinion of the Stales, as sincere- 
ly and as strongly as we do ; and much as is said to the con- 
trary on this point, 1 have never seen a particle of evidence, 
that the Anti-Slavery Society meditates a?i7/ interference with 
the provisions of the laws of the slave States on the subject of 
slavery. It alleges, and I have no doubt sincerely, that it is 
by moral influence alone, and mainly by the changes wrought 



VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. 163 

by the application of truth to the conscience, that it seeks to 
compass its object." 

It seems Mr. Smith has never seen a particle of evidence in 
support of the charge, that Abolitionists meditate interference 
with the laws of the slave States. They who make the 
charge, offer not a particle of evidence in its behalf. We will 
now offer a mass of evidence in proof of its utter falsity. 

Our first witness is one whose competency and credibility 
will not be questioned ; and who, like Mr. Smith, is a Vice- 
President of the Colonization Society. The following is 
extracted from a letter to John Bolton, Esq. of Savannah, writ- 
ten for publication, by the Hon. Daniel Webster, and dated 
J 7th May, 1833: 

" In my opinion, the domestic slavery of the Southern States 
is a subject within the exclusive control of the States them- 
selves ; and this, I am sure, is the opinion of the ivholc North. 
Congress has no authority to interfere in the emancipation of 
slaves, or in the treatment of them in any of the States. This 
was so resolved in the House of Representatives, in 1790, on 
the report of a committee consisting almost entirely of Northern 
members ; and I do not know an instance of the expression of 
a different opinion in either House of Congress since. lean- 
not say that particular individuals might not possibly be found, 
who suppose that Congress may possess some power over the 
subject, but I do not know any such persons, and if there be 
any, I am sure they are very few. The servitude of so great 
a portion of the population of the South, is undoubtedly re- 
garded at the North as a great evil, moral and political, and 
the discussions upon it, which have recently taken place in 
the Legislatures of several of the slave-holding States, have 
been read with very deep interest. But it is regarded, never- 
theless, as an evil, the remedy for which lies with those Legis- 
latures themselves, to be provided and applied, according to 
their own sense of policy and duty. The imputations which 
you say, and say truly, are constantly made against the North, 
are, in my opinion, entirely destitute of any just foundation.^^ 

Thus we find that Mr. Webster, living in Boston, the seat 
of the New-England Anti-Slavery Society, a fellow townsman 
of Garrison's, and surrounded by Abolitionists, knows nothing 
of the nuUifiers denounced by Mr. Ogden — nothing of the men 
who Mr. Gurley says are for freeing the slaves in defiance of 



1C4 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS, 

the will of the South — nothing of those who the North-Carolina 
quaker tells us, are for bringing the " National Legislation" to 
bear upon emancipation. 

And has Daniel Webster, a sworn sentinel on the 
ramparts of the Constitution, been sleeping at his post ; and 
is it to more faithful and more intelligent watchmen, that we 
owe the discovery of the meditated treason 1 

Mr. Webster's letter contains, as far as it goes, the politi- 
cal CREED OF THE Abolitionists, and we may challenge the 
whole Colonization Society to name a single Abolitionist, who 
does not most heartily assent to its doctrines. The New-York 
Emancipator transferred the letter to its columns, remarking 
" Mr. Webster's opinion on the subject of slavery in the 
States of this Union ; so far as expressed, is just the same as 
has been more than once avowed in every Anti-slavery paper 
in the country — that it is a subject within the exclusive control 
of the States themselves." — Emancipator, Gth July, 1833. 

Not only has Mr. Garrison declared his readiness to sign 
his name to every sentiment expressed in Mr. Webster's let- 
ter, but he has used in the Liberator, the following language, 
" Abolitionists as clearly understand, and as sacredly regard 
the constitutional powers of Congress, as do their traducers ; 
and they know and have again and again asserted, that Con- 
gress has no more rightful authority to sit in judgment wpoii 
Southern slavery, than it has to legislate for the Abolition of 
slavery in the French colonies.^'' 

We will now select a few from the many official declarations 
of Abolitionists on this subject. 

" The national compact was so framed as to guaranty the 
legal possession of slaves ; and physical interference would be a 
violation of Christian principles." L Rep. of Neiv-E?igland 
Anti-Slavery Society — p. 2L 

" We do not aim at any interference with the constitutional 
rights of the slave-holding States ; for Congress, as is well 
understood, has no power to abolish slavery in the several 
States." — Address of the Neio-York city Anti-Slavery Society 
-p. 5. 

" We freely and unanimously recognize the sovereignty of 
each State to legislate exclusively on the subject of slavery, 
which is tolerated within its limits ; we consider that Congress 
has no right to interfere with any of the slave States in relation 



VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. 165 

to this subject." — Declaration, of Aiiti-Slavery Convention at 
Philadelphia, 4th December, 1833. 

" While it admits that each State in which slavery exists, 
has by the Constitution of the United States exclusive right to 
legislate in regard to its Abolition, it shall aim to convince all 
our fellow citizens by arguments addressed to their understand- 
ings and consciences, that slave-holding is a henious sin in 
the sight of God." — Constitutioii of American Anti-Slavery . 
Society. 

In December 1833, the managers of the New- York city 
Anti-Slavery Society printed and circulated a petition to Con- 
gress, for the Abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. 
It commenced as follows : 

To THE Hon., the House of Representatives. 

"Your petitioners, inhabitantsof the city of New- York, beg 
leave to represent to your Honorable body, that whatever views 
they may entertain of the evils of slavery as it exists in certain 
States of the Federal Union, they are fully aware that these 
evils are beyond the Constitutional control of the federal 
government ; and so far from soliciting your interposition for 
their removal, they would deprecate the interference of Con- 
gress on this subject, as a violation of the national compact^'' 
The petition then proceeds to assert the Constitutional power 
of Congress to abolish slavery in the district, and asks for its 
exercise. 

And now we ask, is there any thing in the extracts we have 
given, to justify, excuse, or palliate the heavy accusations made 
against Abolitionists? Surely it must now be conceded that 
however unconstitutional may be the emancipation contempla- 
ted by Abolitionists, it is not to be effected by Congress. We 
lament that Chancellor Walworth did not condescend to ex- 
plain how and why it was unconstitutional. He is accustomed 
to assign reasons for his decisions, and it may fairly be doubted 
whether, in withholding the reasons for the judgment he has 
pronounced against Abolitionists, he has administered equity. 
He has adjudged that the emancipation contemplated by Abo- 
litionists would " violate the rights of property," but in what 
way does not appear. As physical force is disclaimed, and 
congressional interference deprecated, the alleged violation of 
property must arise from the appeals made to the holders to 



166 VINDICATION OF ABOLITIONISTS. 

surrender it. But surely the President of the New- York 
Temperance Society does not regard property in human flesh 
and blood so much more sacred than property in rum, that 
while he is laboring to induce the owners of the latter, through- 
out the United States, to part with their property, he looks 
upon every man who tells his fellow-citizens that it is their 
duty to manumit their slaves, as violating the rights of proper- 
ty ! The venders of ardent spirits in New-Orleans and else- 
where, have as valid and constitutional a title to their liquors 
as they have to their slaves. Now hear what Mr. Freling- 
huysen says of a traffic expressly sanctioned by the laws of 
every State in the Union. " It is mere tampering with 
temptation to come short of positive, decided, and uncomprom- 
ising opposition. We must not only resist, we must drive it. 
To stand on the defensive merely, is to aid in its triumph." 
7th Rep. Am. Temp. Soc. p. 51. Yet they who by arguments, 
are resisting, or driving the traffic in the souls and bodies of 
men, are accused of" seeking to destroy our happy union !" 

The State Legislatures have as much right to authorize lot- 
teries, as they have to authorize slavery, yet the Pennsylvania 
Society for abolishing lotteries, is established for the avowed pur- 
pose of abolishing by moral influence, lotteries in other stales, for 
there are none in its own. No objection is made to the consti- 
tutionality of that Society, yet epithets seem to be wanting to 
express the abhorrence felt for those who are aiming by the 
same means to rescue millions from a bondage destructive to 
their happiness in this world, and in that which is to come ! 

In the remarks we have made on the language used by 
Chancellor Walworth and his two associates, no unkind feelings 
have mingled. Not a suspicion of the goodness of their mo- 
tives has crossed our mind ; we admire them for their talents, 
and esteem them for their virtues ; and sincerely do we regret, 
that men who possess the power of doing so much good, should 
ever, through want of information, so grievously misapply it. 

And now it may be asked, if Abolitionists intend to use only 
moral means, what good can they effect by using those means 
at the North, where slavery does not exist? But although 
slavery does not exist at the North, it is excused and justified 
at the North ; and Southern Christians are countenanced in 
keeping their fellow men in bondage and in ignorance, by their 
Northern brethren. We have already seen the baneful influ- 



INFLUENCE AT THE NORTH. 167 

once of the Colonization Society on the treatment of the free 
negroes at the North ; the Black Act of Connecticut is still in 
force, and Judge Daggett's decision remains unreversed. Slave- 
ry is in full vigor under the authority of Congress, and sanction- 
ed by a majority consisting of Northern members ; and our 
whole country is disgraced, and humanity and religion outraged 
by an extensive and abominable slave trade, conducted under 
the same sanction. If, therefore, it could be foreseen, that no 
slave hi any of the States would ever be liberated, through the 
influence of Northern Anti-Slavery Societies, there would still 
remain great and glorious objects to stimulate their zeal, to em- 
j)loy all their energies, and abundantly to reward all their la- 
bors. But neither their labors nor rewards will be confined to the 
North. The consciences of Southern Christians, so long lulled 
by the opiate of Colonization, are awakening to duty. South- 
ern divines are beginning to acknowledge the sinfulness of 
slavery, and recent slave holders are now proclaiming the safe- 
ty and duty of immediate emancipation. 

While Northern Colonizationists are sounding the tocsin, and 
girding on their armour, and rushing to the battle, to protect the 
rights of their Southern brethren, those very brethren are be- 
ginning to listen to the friendly admonitions of Abolitionists, 
and are inquiring what they must do to escape the mighty pe- 
rils to which they are exposed. On the 19th March, a conven- 
tion of gentlemen from different parts of Kentucky assembled 
at Danville, and amid a slave population of 1 65,000, organized 
" THE Kentucky Anti-Slavery Society Auxiliary to the 
ji^nericaii Ayiti-Slavery Society ; and appointed a delegate to 
attend the anniversary of the parent Institution at New- York ! 

While the professors of many of our Northern Colleges are 
laboring with trembling solicitude, to stifle all discussion respect- 
ing slavery among their pupils, James M. Buchanan, a pro- 
fessor of Centre College, has had the moral courage to accept 
the station of president of the Kentucky Society. Indeed, 
tiie whole nation has been roused from its lethargy, and 
ill almost every circle and neighborhood, the subject of Aboli- 
tion is attracting attention ; the violence and persecution expe- 
rienced by Abolitionists, instead of suppressing, has promoted 
discussion ; and they have reason to hope, that slavery will ul- 
timately be abolished, by the voluntary action of the South, in 
compliance with the dictates of policy and of duty. 



168 EMANCIPATION DEFINED. 

CHAPTER VII. 

SAFETY OF IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. 

Although we may have succeeded in proving that the eman- 
cipation contemplated by Abolitionists, is not "unconstitution- 
al," yet many may conscientiously doubt whether it would be 
safe and wise. 

A few years only have elapsed, since the use of ardent spi- 
rits was universally countenanced by all classes of the com- 
munity ; and when the few who contended that their use was 
sinful, and ought to be immediately abandoned, were deemed no 
less visionary unA fanatical than those are now who hold the 
same doctrine in regard to slavery. 

The whole Colonization Society, with scarcely a solitary 
exception,* denounce immediate emancipation as dangerous, or 
rather as utterly ruinous, to the whites. Their objections were 
thus briefly summed up by the Rev. Dr. Hawkes, in his speech 
at a Colonization meeting in New-York : 

"But if the plan of Colonization be abandoned, what re- 
mains? Are the slaves fitted for freedom? No — and if they 
are let loose at once, they must of necessity, to procure a liv- 
ing, either beg or steal, or destroy and displace the whites." — 
Neto-York Com. Adv. lOlk Oct. 1833. 

Here we have broad unqualified assertions, without a particle 
of proof. We find it taken for granted, that if the slaves are 
at once restored to liberty, they must, from necessity, beg or 
steal, or destroy and displace the whites. What causes will 
produce this necessity, we are uninformed ; why it will be im- 
possible for liberated slaves to work for wages, is unexplained. 
Slavery is property in human beings. Immediate emancipation 
is therefore nothing more than the immediate cessation of this 
property. But how does this cessation of property imply that 
those who were the subjects of it must be " let loose ?" Will 
they not, like other persons, be subject to the control of law, 
and responsible for their conduct? If incapable of providing 
for themselves, may they not like children, apprentices and 

* The only exception known to the writer, is G. Smith, Esq. 



WHAT EMANCIPATION IMPLIES. 169 

paupers, be compelled to labor for their own maintenance? 
Immediate emancipation does not necessarily contemplate any 
relaxation of the restraints of government or morality ; any 
admission to political rights, or improper exemption from com- 
pulsory labor. What then does such emancipation imply ? It 
implies, that black men, being no longer property, will be capa- 
ble of entering into the marriage state, and of exercising the 
rights, and enjoying the blessings of the conjugal and parental 
relations, — it implies, that they will be entitled to the fruits of 
their honest industry — to the protection of the laws of the land, 
and to the privilege of securing a happy immortality, by learn- 
ing and obeying the will of their Creator. 

Now, it is almost universally supposed, that such emancipa- 
tion would, as a matter of course, lead to insurrection, robbery 
and massacre. Yet this opinion will, on examination, be found 
utterly irreconcilable with the divine economy, the principles 
of human nature, and the testimony of experience. 

It is a trite remark, that nations are punislied and rewarded 
in this world, and individuals in the next : and both sacred and 
profane history will be searched in vain for an instance, in which 
the Supreme Ruler has permitted a nation to suffer for doing 
justice and loving mercy. To believe that God would permit 
any community to be destroyed, merely because it had ceased 
to do evil, is to call in question the equity of his government, or 
the power of his providence. Who that acknowledges the truth 
of Revelation, can doubt, that if slavery be sinful, the sooner 
we part with it, the more confidently may we rely on the divine 
favor and protection. Infidelity alone will seek safety in human 
counsels, when opposed to the divine will. 

But the opinion we are considering, is no less at variance 
with the motives and passions of our common nature, than with 
the dictates of Christian faith. 

What is the theory on which this opinion rests? Why, that 
cruelty, injustice and grievous oppression, render men quiet, do- 
cile, and inoffensive subjects; and that if delivered from this 
cruelty, injustice, and oppression, they will rob and murder their 
deliverers ! 

This theory is happily unsupported by any facts, and rests 
upon the simple dogma, that the slaves are not yet fitted for 
freedom. Now we would ask, what is meant by fitness for 
freedom ? Ought a man to be a slave, unless he can read, write 

15 



170 INSTANCES OF EMANCIPATION. 

and ciplier ? Must he be taught accounts, before he can re- 
ceive wages? Should he understand law, before he enjoys its 
protection 2 Must he be instructed in morals, before he reads 
his Bible ? If all these are pre-requisites for freedom, how and 
when are they to be acquired in slavery? 

If one century of bondage has not produced this fitness, how 
many will ? Are our slaves more fit now, than they were ten, 
twenty, fifty years ago? Let the history of slave legislation 
answer the inquiry. When the British government insisted that 
female slaves should no longer be flogged naked in the colonies, 
the Jamaica legislature replied, that it would be impossible to 
lay aside the practice " until the negro women have acquired 
more of the sense of shame, which distinguishes European fe- 
males." Slaves, while such, will become fit for freedom as soon 
but not sooner, than negro women will become modest in con- 
sequence of the West-Indian mode of correction. No postpone- 
ment of emancipation, will increase the fitness of slaves for 
freedom, and to wait for this fitness, resembles the conduct of 
the simpleton who loitered by the brook, expecting to pass dry 
shod, after the water had run off. 

The conclusion to which religion and common sense would 
lead us on this subject, is most abundantly confirmed by experi- 
ence. Passing by the emancipation of the Serfs of Europe, 
let us advert to various instances of the sudden abolition of negro 
slavery, and let us see how far the theory we are considering is 
supported by facts. 

On the 10th October, 1811, the Congress of Chili, decreed 
that every child born after that day, should be free. 

On the 9th April, 1813, the government of Buenos Ayres, 
ordered that every child born after 1st January, 1813, should 
be free. 

On the 19th July, 1821, the Congress of Colombia passed an 
Act, emancipating all slaves, who had borne arms in favor of 
the Republic, and providing for the emancipation in eighteen 
years, of the whole slave population of 280,000. 

On the 15th September, 1821, the government of Mexico 
granted instantaneous and unconditional emancipation to every 
slave. 

On the 4th July, 1827, ten thousand slaves were emancipa- 
ted in the State of New- York by act of the legislature. 

In all these various instances, 7iot one case of insurrection 



EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 171 

or of bloodshed is known to have resulted from emancipation. 
But St. Domingo — ah, what recollections are awakened by that 
name ! With that name are associated the most irrefragable 
proofs of the safety and wisdom of immediate emancipation 
and of the ability of the African race, to value, defend and enjoy 
the blessings of freedom. The apologists of slavery, are con- 
stantly reminding Abolitionists of the " scenes in St. Domingo." 
Were the public familiar with the origin and history of those 
scenes, none but Abolitiojiists would dare to refer to them. We 
will endeavor in the next chapter to dispel the ignorance. 
which so extensively prevails relative to the "scenes in St. Do- 
mingo," and we trust our efforts will furnish new confirmation 
of the great truth, that the path of duty is the path of safety. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO AND GUADALOUPE, AND PRESENT 
STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 

In 1790, the population of the French part of St. Domingo 
was estimated at (iS6,000. Of this number, 42,000 were white, 
44,000 free people of color, and 600,000 slaves. At the com- 
mencement of the French revolution the free colored people 
petitioned the National Assembly, to be admitted to political 
rights, and sent a deputation to Paris to attend to their interests. 
On the 8th March, 1700, a law was passed, granting to the 
colonies the right of holding representative assemblies, and of 
exercising to a certain extent, legislative authority. On the 
28th of the same m.onth, another law W3.s passed, declaring that 
" all free, persons in the colonies, who were proprietors, and 
residents of two years standing, and who contribute to the exi- 
gencies of the State, shall exercise the right of voting." 

The planters insisted that this law did not apply to free color- 
ed persons. They proceeded to elect a general assembly, and 
in this election the free blacks were, with but few exceptions, 
prevented from voting. The newly elected assembly issued a 
manifesto, declaring they would rather die, than divide their 
political rights with "a bastard and degenerated race." A por- 
tion of the free colored people resolved to maintain the rights 



172 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 

given them by the mother country, and assembled in arms under 
one of their own number named Oge. A letter addressed by this 
chief to the St. Domingo assembly, is fortunately extant, and 
explains the true origin of those awful calamities, which it is 
found expedient to ascribe to the Abolition of slavery. 

" Sirs, 

" A prejudice for a long time upheld, is at last about to fall. 
Charged with a commission honorable to myself, I call upon 
you to proclaim throughout the colony the decree of the Na- 
tional Assembly of the2Sth March, which gives, without distinc- 
tion, to every free citizen the right of being admitted to all du- 
ties and functions whatever. My pretensions are just, and I do 
hope you will regard them. / shall not have recourse to any 
raising of the slave gangs. It is unnecessary and would be 
unworthy of me. I wish you to appreciate duly, the purity of 
my intentions. When I solicited of the National Assembly* 
the decree I obtained in favor of our American Colonists, known 
under the hitherto injurious distinction of the mixed race, / never 
comprehended in my claims the negroes rn a state of slavery. 
You and our adversaries have mixed this with my proceedings 
to destroy my estimation in the minds of all well disposed people : 
but I have demanded only concessions for a class of free men, 
who have endured the yoke of your oppression for two centu- 
ries. We have no ivish but for the execution of the decree of the 
28th March. We insist on its promulgation ; and we cease 
not to repeat to our friends, that our adversaries are not merely 
unjust to us, but to themselves, for they do not seem to know 
that their interests are one with ours. Before employing the 
means at my command, I will see what good temper will do; 
but if contrary to my object, you refuse what is asked, I will 
not answer for those disorders which may arise from merited 
revenge." 

The shout of battle was the only answer returned to this let- 
ter. The free blacks were defeated, and their brave leader 
being taken prisoner, was, with a barbarity equalled only by 
its folly, broken alive on the wheel. A ferocious struggle now 
commenced between the two parties, and Oge's death was aw- 
fully avenged. On the 15th May, 1791, the French Conven- 
tion issued a decree declaring explicitly, that " free colored per- 

* Oge had been one of the deputies who were sent to Paris. 



EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 173 

sons were entitled to all the rights of citizenship." The plan- 
ters however, refused to submit till after 2,000 whites and 1 0,000 
blacks had perished. The free blacks had armed their own 
slaves ; and many of the slaves belonging to the whites taking 
advantage of the disturbed state of the island revolted. The 
general assembly at length became alarmed, and on the 20th 
September, 1791, issued a proclamation announcing their acqui- 
escence in the decree of the 15th May, admitting the free blacks 
to political equality with the whites. This proclamation imme- 
diately restored peace, and the free blacks even assisted the 
planters in reducing to obedience their revolted slaves. The 
peace, however, was of short duration. Intelligence was soon 
received that the French Convention had yielded to the clamors 
of the planters, and on the 24th September, only four days after 
the Assembly's proclamation, had repealed the decree giving 
political rights to the free blacks. The irritation caused by this 
measure may easily be imagined, and the feelings of the free 
blacks were exasperated by an act of folly and presumption on 
the part of the Colonial Assembly. This body passed an order 
for disarming the whole free colored population. That popula- 
tion, however, instead of surrendering their arms, challenged 
their proud oppressors to take them, and immediately renewed 
the war. 

On the 4th April, 1792, the vacillating policy of the French 
government led it once more to pass a decree, investing the free 
negroes in the Colonies with political rights : and three Com- 
missioners, with 6,000 troops, were sent to St. Domingo to en- 
force the decree. The Commissioners arrived on the 13th 
September, and assumed the government of the island. In June, 
1793, they quan-elled with the governor, and each party took 
arms. The Commissioners called to their aid 3,000 revolted 
slaves, promising pardon for the past, and freedom for the fu- 
ture. About, this time it was estimated that no less than 
10,000 of the white inhabitants had fled from the island, incon- 
sequence of its disturbed state, and this, be it remembered, 
before a single slave had been emancipated. The Commission- 
ers were successful in their contest with the governor, and re- 
tained the supreme power in their own hands. But a new dan- 
ger threatened them. The planters were dissatisfied with the 
political rights conferred on the blacks, and were in many in- 
stances, hostile to the Republic which had been reared on the 

15* 



174 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 

ruins of the French Monarchy. They therefore, entered into 
intrigues with the British Government, inviting it to take pos- 
session of the island, hopmg that thus the old order of things 
would be restored. The Commissioners became acquainted 
with the intentions of the British to invade the island. Their 
only defensive force consisted of the 6,000 French troops and 
about 15,000 militia. On the latter they were sensible but 
little reliance could be placed. Under these circumstances, 
they determined to emancipate the slaves, in order that the 
whole colored population might thus be induced to array itself 
under the Republican standard. Bryant Edwards, a well 
known English writer, and a most devoted apologist for slavery 
in his history of this affair, after stating as a fact within his own 
knowledge, the overtures made by the St. Domingo planters to 
Great Britain, and that the Commissioners could not muster 
more than 22,000 effective men, adds, " Tiiese being necessari- 
ly dispersed in detachments throughout the different provinces, 
became on that account, little formidable to an invading army. 
Aware of this circumstance, the Commissioners, on the first 
intimation of an attack from the English, resorted to the despe- 
rate expedient of proclaiming all manner of slavery abolished." 
The proclamation was made in September, 1793, and on the 
19th of the same month, the British armament, under Colonel 
White, arrived at Jeremie, and took possession of the town, and 
afterwards entered Port au Prince. Thus we find, that the 
abolition of slavery in St. Domingo was not, as is generally 
supposed, the result of an insurrection by the slaves, but an act of 
political expediency. Let us now see what were the conse- 
quences of this act. The whole colored population remained 
loyal to the Republican cause. The British were masters only 
of the soil covered by tlieir troops, and at length wearied out 
by the inveterate opposition tlicy experienced, they abandoned 
all hopes of conquest, and in 179S evacuated the island. In 
the mean time, the intercourse between the colony and 
the mother country became more and more interrupted. 
The seas were scoured by British cruisers, and the colonists 
were left by France to govern themselves. The whole colo- 
nial administration had been entirely subverted, the Commission- 
ers had returned to France, and it became necessary to adopt 
some political system. Under these circumstances, Toussaint, 
a black, who had acquired power and influence, submitted, in 



EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 175 

1801, to a general assembly, a republican constitution, which 
was adopted, and the island was declared to be an independent 
State, on the 1st July, 1801. But during all this time, what 
was the conduct of the emancipated slaves 1 Before we an- 
swer this question, let us remind the reader that the emancipa- 
tion was not only immediate but unpremeditated. No measures 
had been taken to fit about 600,000 slaves for freedom, but 
suddenly, unexpectedly, almost in the twinkling of an eye, they 
ceased to be property, and were invested with the rights of hu- 
man nature. And was the theory of the Rev. Dr. Hawkes 
verified in St. Domingo 1 Did the manumitted slaves maintain 
themselves by begging and stealing, or did they destroy and 
displace the whites ? Let an eye-witness answer the inquiry. 
Colonel Malefant, then a resident on the island, says in his ''Me- 
moire historique et politique des colonies et particulierement de 
celle de St. Domingue." p. 58. 

" After this public act of emancipation, the negroes remained 
quiet both in the south and in the west, and they continued to 
work upon all the plantations. There were estates indeed, 
which had neither owners nor managers resident upon them, 
for some of them had been put in prison by Montburn, and 
others fearing the same fate had fled to the quarter which had 
just been given up to the English. Yet upon these estates, 
though abandoned, the negroes continued their labors, where 
there were any, even inferior agents to guide them; and on 
those estates where no white men were left to direct them, they 
betook themselves to planting of provisions : but upon all the 
plantations lohere the tvhites resided, the blacks continued to 
labor quietly as before.^' 

In another place, (p. 125,) he says: 

" How did I succeed in the plain of the Cul de Sac, and on 
the plantation Gouraud, more than eight months after liberty 
had been granted to the blacks ? Let those who knew me at 
that time, and even the blacks themselves, be asked. They 
will reply that not a single negro upon that plantation, consist- 
ing of four hundred and fifty laborers, refused to work, and yet 
this plantation was thought to be under the worst discipline, and 
the slaves the most idle of any in the plain. I myself inspired 
the same activity into three other plantations of which I had 
the management." He goes on to assert that " the colony was 
flourishing under Toussaint — the whites lived happily, and in 



176 EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 

•peace wpoii their estates, and the 7iegroes continued to work 
for them." Toussaint came into power under the French au- 
thority, 1796, and remained in power till 1802, or the com- 
mencement of the war with France. Thus it appears that the 
manumitted slaves continued quietly at work, from their eman- 
cipation in 1793, till 1802, a period of about eight years. 

This was not, let it be remembered, a season of peace. 
During most of the time a fierce war was waged against the 
English invaders. In this war a portion of the planters took 
part with the enemy, and experienced at the hands of the blacks, 
those cruelties which so often distinguish a civil war. But on 
a careful and scrupulous examination of the history of this pe- 
riod, we cannot find, that from the date of the emancipation in 
1793, to the French invasion in 1802, a single white inan was 
injured by the liberated slaves, unless he had previously placed 
himself in the attitude of a political enemy by siding with the 
British. Immediately on the evacuation of the island by the 
British, profound tranquillity prevailed, and the planters who re- 
mained, and the emigi'ants who returned, enjoyed their estates 
without molestation. 

Malefant is not the only witness we can cite to these facts. 
General Lacroix, who published his " Memoirs for a history 
of St. Domingo," at Paris, in 1819, speaking of the colony 
in 1797, says, "It marched as by enchantment towards its 
ancient splendor : cultivation prospered ; every day produced 
perceptible proofs of its progress. The city of the Cape, 
and the plantations of the North, rose up again visibly to the 
eye." p. 311. 

The author of " the History of St. Domingo," printed in Lon- 
don, 1818, speaking of Toussaint, says : 

" When he restored many of the planters to their estates, 
there was no restoration of their former property in human 
beings. No human being was to be bought or sold. Severe 
tasks, flagellations, and scanty food, wex'e no longer to be en- 
dured. The planters were obliged to employ their laborers on 
the footing of hired servants ; and the negroes were required 
to labor for their own livelihood. The amount of remuneration 
was not left to individual generosity or private agreement, but 
it was fixed by law, that the cultivators should have for 
their wages a third part of tlie crops. While this ample en- 
couragement was afforded for the excitement of industry, pe- 



EMANCIPATION IN ST. DOMINGO. 177 

nalties were at the same time denounced for the punishment of 
idleness. 

" The effects of these regulations were visible throughout the 
country. Obliged to work, but in a moderate manner, and for 
handsome wages, and at liberty for the most part to choose their 
own masters, the plantation negroes were in general contented, 
healthy and happy."* 

And now let Abolitionists be reminded of the "scenes in 
St. Domingo ;" yes, let those scenes be constantly kept before 
the public as an awful and affecting memento of the justice 
due to the free blacks, and as a glorious demonstration of 
the perfect safety of immediate and unconditional emancipa- 
tion. 

Yet men who believe it safe to do immediate justice, and 
who find from history that God never permits a nation to 
suffer for obeying his commands, are held up to the derision 
and detestation of the community as fanatics and incendiaries. 
Let us see what new proofs of their fanaticism are afforded by 
the history of the abolition of slavery in Guadaloupe. 

On the 20th April, 1794, a British armament, under Sir 
Charles Grey, took the French island of Guadaloupe, many of 
the planters, as in St. Domingo, being royalists and favoring 
the cause of the invaders. 

On the 5th June following, a French force, under Victor 
Hugo, arrived to dispute the possession of the island. The 
Republican general immediately proclaimed the freedom of 
the slaves, in pursuance of a decree of the National Assembly 
of the preceding February ; and arming the negroes, led them 
against the enemy. The English were soon confined within 
narrow quarters, and by the 10th December, were compelled 
to evacuate the island. From this time, Guadaloupe remained 
a dependance of France till 1810, when it was retaken by the 
English. 

On the abolition of slavery, la police rurale, was substituted 
for it. The slaves were converted into free laborers, and were 
entitled to their food, and one fourth of the produce of their 
labor. They were 85,000 in number, and the whites only 

♦These representations are confirmed by the fact, that the exports from 
St. Domingo in 1801, seven years after emancipation, were of sugar, 
18,535,132 lbs. ; coffee, 43,420,270 lbs.; cotton, 2,480,340 lbs. McCuUoMa 
Diet, of Commerce, p. 926. 



178 EMANCIPATION IN GUADALOUPE. 

13,000. So far was the cultivation of the island from being 
suspended by emancipation, that in 1801, an official report 
stated the plantations as follows, viz. : of sugar, 390 ; of coffee, 
1355; of cotton, 328 ; and 25 grass farms. The peace of 
Amiens unhappily afforded Bonaparte an opportunity to re- 
establish slavery in Guadaloupe. In the summer of 1802, 
Richepanse landed on the island at the head of a powerful 
French force, and in a short time by the indiscriminate mas- 
sacre of all who opposed his purpose, fulfilled the object of 
his mission at the sacrifice, it is said, of nearly 20,000 negro 
lives. 

Immediately preceding this atrocious act, all was peace and 
prosperity ; and so late as February, 1802, the supreme council 
of Guadaloupe, in an official document, alluding to the tran- 
quillity which reigned throughout the island, observed : " We 
shall have the satisfaction of having given an example, which 
will prove that all classes of people may live in perfect harmony 
with each other, under an administration which secures jus- 
tice TO ALL CLASSES." 

In Guadaloupe, we see an instance of a great preponderating 
slave population suddenly emancipated, and yet peaceably pur- 
suing their labors for seven years, and living in harmony with 
the white proprietors. 

If we are to believe Colonizationists, the negro character is 
to be exhibited in all its perfection in Liberia ; but in America, 
the black man can never rise from his present degradation. 
Do we inquire the reason, we are promptly told, that no equal- 
ity can subsist between the white and black races, and that the 
latter to be great and happy must live alone. Strange it is, 
that instead of referring to St. Domingo as an apt illustration 
of their theory, they are fond of citing the ^?"ese?i^ state of that 
island as a warning against Abolition — as a proof that free 
negroes are too indolent to work, too deficient in enterprise, to 
attain national prosperity. If such be the fact, how faithless 
must be their predictions of the future glory of Liberia. Let 
us now attend to the gloomy and disheartening account, 
which the chairman of the executive committee of the New- 
York Colonization Society gives us of St. Domingo ; an 
account which, if true, ought to induce the Society to abandon 
their enterprise. 

•' More than thirty years have elapsed since slavery was 



PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 170 

abolished in St. Domingo. Through scenes of unparalleled 
devastation and blood, the blacks expelled their white masters, 
and have ever since lived under a government of their own. 
But from the day of their emancipation to the present, the pop- 
ulation for the most part, have been idle and worthless. 

" St. Domingo was the garden of the new world — the richest 
of the Indies. But its villas have gone to ruin, and its fields 
run to waste. Thorns and briars have choked their gardens, 
and the plantations have been barren from idleness. The 
government has ever been despotic, and of necessity ; and at 
LAST its power has been called forth for the regulation of labor 
— the labor of freemen, to prevent the island from going en- 
tirely to ruin. The following extract from a late Haytien 
enactment is in point, and will serve as a practical commentary 
upon the mad schemes of our well meaning but deluded philan- 
thropists. We have extracted the following articles, which 
render the condition of the free blacks very little different 
from, if not actually worse than the coTidition of the slaves 
in any part of the United States.^^* Com. Advertiser, 24th 
September, 1834. Then follow extracts from the rural code 
of Hayti, from which it appears, that all persons without land 
or occupation are compelled to labor, and are liable to imprison- 
ment for idleness. 

It is remarkable that the philanthropists, on whose mad 
schemes this code is supposed to be a commentary, are ad- 
mitted on the 24th September, to be "well meaning," whereas, 
on the 9th June preceding, Ave were assured by this same 

* This last asscriion is so very extraordinary, that we are constrained to 
believe Mr. Stone has never read the "enactment" from which he quotes. 
The present rural code of Hayti was adopted in 1S26. It is a document fill- 
ing about fifteen folio pages, and displays a strong desire to secure justice to 
the laborers. By this code, all " who shall not be able to show that they 
possess the means of subsistence, shall be bound to cultivate the earth. ' 
Such persons are required to hire themselves as farm laborers, but they are 
at perfect liberty to select their employer. The parties enter into written 
contracts for not less than three, nor more than nine years. The compen- 
sation to the laborers on a farm, varies according to the terms of the contract, 
from one-fourth to one-half of the whole produce of the farm. All disputes 
between the employer and his people are settled by a justice of the peace. 
The employer can no more flog or otherwise punish his "cultivators," than 
an American farmer can his hired laborers. Not even for crimes is corporal 
punishment allowed in Hayti. The cultivator has by law, the whole of 
' Saturday and Sunday to himself, and on other days he cannot be required 
; to work o/ile?- sunset. There is nothing to prevent him from accumufatins 
' property by industry and economy, buying a farm and hiring laborers in his 
turn. 



180 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 

gentleman, that the " desigrC^ of these philanthropists was '• to 
foment a servile war in the South." To convince us how 
unfit negroes are for freedom, we are here informed that thirty 
years after slavery was abolished in St. Domingo, the govern- 
ment has at last exerted its power for the regulation of labor, 
to prevent the island from going entirely to ruin. It so hap- 
pens, that the regulation of labor, instead of being an expedient 
resolved to at last to save the island from ruin, was coeval with 
the Act of emancipation. On the 28th February, 1794, 
Etienne Polverel, "civil commissary of the Republic, delega- 
ted to the French Leeward islands in America, for the purpose 
of re-establishing the public order and tranquillity," published 
in the name of the French people a rural code for the govern- 
ment of the liberated slaves in St. Domingo. It is long, and 
descends to minute particulars — ^a brief extract will show that 
it regulated labor. 

" The ordinary day's labor is limited to about nine hours, 
viz : from sunrise to half-past eight — from half-past nine to 
twelve — and from two to sunset, and in crop time it shall be 
extended to eight o'clock in the evening — The laborers shall 
be bound to obey the overseers, and the overseers to obey each 
other according to their rank ; but their authority shall 
be confined to the cultivation and good order of the plantation. 
Those laborers, who in these points shall refuse to obey the 
order of the overseers, shall be subject to a month's imprison- 
ment, with labor during the day on public works, &c., &c. 
This code continued in force till August, 1798, when it was 
somewhat modified by Toussaint, and we have already seen 
on the authority of the history of St. Domingo, that " the 
planters were obliged to employ their laborers on the footing 
of hired servants, and the negroes were required to labor for 
their livelihood." Hence it appears that the regulation of 
labor in St. Domingo, is not as Mr. Stone seems to suppose, a 
recent exertion of power on the part of the government. 

But what shall we say of the ruined villas, the barren plan- 
tations, the gardens choked with thorns? Admitting Mr. 
Stone's melancholy picture to be correct, cannot we explain 
it, on other principles than such as would be fatal to the free- 
dom and happiness of millions? The zealous editor seems 
wholly to have forgotten the terrible war which the Haytiens 
were compelled to wage in defence of their liberty. In 1802, 



^ PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 181 

a French army landed in St. Domingo, for the purpose of 
again reducing its inhabitants to slavery, and a war ensued, 
which, for its desolating fury, is probably without a parallel. 
An historian of this war, thus concludes his account of it : 

" At length, in the month of December, 1803, the island \yas 
finally abandoned, a mere handful of the French troops escaping 
the destruction which had already overtaken 60,000 of their 
fellows ! Thus for nearly two years, with a very brief inter- 
val, had a war raged in St. Domingo, singularly ferocious 
and vindictive in its character, and directed latterly more to 
extermination than to conquest, sparing neither sex nor age, 
and sweeping away from the Avhole face of the plains of that 
beautiful island every trace of cultivation. So complete was 
the extinction of all sugar culture in particular, that for a 
time not an ounce of that article was procurable. The very 
roots and fruits on which subsistence depended, were cultivated 
only in mornes. Desolation, therefore, could hardly be con- 
ceived more complete, than prevailed in 1804 and 1805 over 
all those parts of the colony, which had formerly been covered 
with plantations ; and it is well known how soon the rank 
vegetation of a tropical climate converts the neglected planta- 
tion into jungle." 

And is it a proof that slaves ought never to be emancipated, 
that St. Domingo has not in thirty years, after such wide spread 
desolation, become again in the hands of men recently deliver- 
ed from bondage, and for the most part, poor and ignorant, " the 
garden of the new world ?" And was, indeed, that an " idle 
and worthless" population which successfully resisted the arms 
of England and of France, and achieved their freedom by an 
heroic sacrifice of their lives and property — a sacrifice, which 
had their complexion been white, would have been celebrated 
by poets and orators in every portion of the civilized world % 

Let us now inquire, whether the present state of the island is 
in truth such as is alleged. 

The Rev. Simon Clough, D. D., L. L. D., has lately pub- 
lished a pamphlet, (" Appeal to the Citizens of the United 
States") in which he undertakes to justify slavery from the Scrip- 
tures, and to prove that all clergymen who advocate immediate 
abolition, are " false teachers," and ought to be dismissed by 
their congregations. Now this most veracious teacher, speak- 

16 



182 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 

ing of St. Domingo, assures us, (p. IG :) At the present lime,* 
there is not one sugar, coffee, or cotton plantation on the island. 
There is now exported about five million pounds of inferior cof- 
fee, which groivs wild, and is picked up by the inhabitants off 
the ground, where it falls after it becomes ripe." 

Strange it is, that this island, if in the state described by 
Messrs. Stone and Clough, should support a population of 
935,000.1 Still more strange is it, that when the whole export 
of coffee is only about five million pounds, it should appear from 
the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, that the coffee 
exported in 183.3, from Hayti to the United States alone, amount- 
ed to eleven million, seven hundred eighty-four thousand, eight 
hundred and thirty-five pounds. Most passing strange is it, 
that the imports into this country, in the same year, from an 
island in which there is not ONE sugar, coffee, or cotton plan- 
tation ; with an idle and worthless population ; with its fields 
run to waste, and its plantations barren from idleness, should 
nevertheless exceed in value our imports in the same period, 
from either Prussia — Sweden and Norway — Denmark, and 
the Danish West-Indies — Ireland and Scotland — Holland — 
Belgium — Dutch East-Indies — British West-Indies — Spain — 
Portugal — all Italy — Turkey and the Levant — or any one re- 
public in South America ! % 

Neither Mr. Stone nor Dr. Clough, profess to speak from 
personal observatio7i. Let us then listen to an eye-witness. In 
1831, was published in a London periodical, the journal of a 
traveller in Hayti. The following are extracts : 

"Port au Prince, Island of Hayti, June 25, 1830. 
" Being aware that this city had very recently suffered greatly 
by fire, I expected to see an unsightly waste of ruin and decay 
but the lots are rebuilt, and many a splendid and substantial 
edifice surpassing those to be seen in the city of Kingston in 
Jamaica, has arisen as the first fruits of the security which 
property enjoys, by the recognized independence of Hayti. 

" I have made an excursion or two, just out of the town, to 
the little cottage settlements, on the side of the mountain above 

* The pamphlet was published in New- York, 1334. 
+ Census of 1824. 

t See documents accompanying Letter from Secretary of the Treasury to 
the Speaker of the House of Representatives, 21st April, 1834. 



PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 183 

the city. I am told, that in the ancient Regime — that is the 
phrase here for the old state of things, the plains were a source 
of so abundant a return for the industry of the proprietor, that 
the mountains in this neighborhood were comparatively neg- 
lected, so that the ' Camp des Fourmis,' the mnge of hills so 
called, extending from Point Lamentine to the Cul de Sac, were 
heretofore never cultivated as they are now. At present they 
are covered with a thousand small settlements appropriated to 
coffee, and provisions, and fruits, and vegetables, in which the 
advantages of irrigation, presented by the frequent springs, 
bursting from the mountain ravines, have been diligently at- 
tended to, in the agricultural economy. The water is trench- 
ed over the sunny surface of each projecting irregularity of 
the ridge ; and height above height, the cottage of the humble 
cultivator is seen ; or the substantial country-seat of the Hay- 
tien merchant, with its baths, bowers, and terraced gardens 
have been erected. 

" Port au Prince, though by no means a handsome town, is 
at this day, in style, and one may say splendor, far superior to 
what it was in the colonial period of its history. 

" The frequent calamities to which it has been subjected from 
fire, and the immense and valuable property lost by earthquakes 
in the years 1820 and 1822, have led the Haytiens to attempt 
providing against the two-fold liability, as they expressed it of 
being bouleverse et inceiidie. They have commenced re-erect- 
ing some of the houses destroyed by these conflagrations, with 
stone or brick, cased over wooden frames, at once to sustain 
the shock of the earthquake, and to repel the action of the fire. 
They cover the roofs with tiles, or slates rather than shingles; 
and erect their stores for merchandise with fire-proof terraces, 
and wrought iron doors and windows. These buildings have 
galleries and arched colonnades, with heavy cornices and bal- 
ustrades screening the roof; and floors of variegated marble, 
and tiles in the upper as well as lower stories. If continu- 
ed generally, they will render this city not only one of the 
most elegant in the West-Indies, but one in which the houses 
will exhibit an interior economy, the very best adapted to the 
necessities of the climate. The decorations are appropriate. 
The rich, varied mahogany of the country is manufactured 
into elegant furniture by the artizans here; and the French 
taste of gilded mirrors, or Molu clocks, and porcelain vases, 



184 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 

filled with artificial flowers, impart to the dwellings of the sim- 
ple Haytiens an air of refinement not unworthy of Europe. 

" The scene presented to the view of the traveller, who quits 
the city of Port au Prince, to journey on the highway to the 
mountains, though a wild waste, is not a solitary one. On the 
road he will meet a multitude of cultivators coming to the city 
market, with horses and asses loaded with provisions. He will 
see waggons with produce drawn by hardy and healthy cattle. 
If he departs from the high-road, and turns to the right hand, 
through one of the woodland paths, he will find himself enter- 
ing into open grounds, covered with verdant fields ; he will 
see traces every where visible of renewed cultivation ; mansions 
re-erected; aqueducts reco?idncting their streams to irrigate 
the land ; the sound of water-mills at work; cottages no longer 
deserted, but tenanted by laborers once more issuing from them 
to gather in the harvest of the teeming soil. 

" The island of Jamaica does not exhibit a plantation better 
established than Chateau Blond ; whether we consider the 
resources of the land, or the mechanical economy by which 
those resources are commanded, it is a splendid establishment. 

" To me who have had an opportunity from the day of my 
birth, and long residence in a slave colony, of forming by com- 
parison a correct estimate of this people's advancement, the 
general quiet conduct and respectful behavior of all classes 
here, publicly and privately, is a matter exciting great sur- 
prise." 

All this, it may be said, is anonymous testimony. It is so, 
and yet it seems entitled to at least as much weight as the bare, 
naked assertions of Messrs. Stone and Clough. We will now 
offer testimony, to which we presume no objection will be made. 
The following are extracts from " the report of the select com- 
mittee on the extinction of slavery throughout the British 
Dominions, with minutes of evidence, ordered by the House of 
Commons to be printed, 11th August, 1832." 

Evidence of Mr. Robert Sutherland. 
"Are there many persons who work for hire in Hayti ? 
Yes — the whole cultivation i-s carried on by free labor. Do 
these persons work with industry and vigor ? 

" I have no reason to think they do not. The proof) that 
free labor in Hayti answers, is this, that after the French were 



PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 185 

expelled, there was absolutely no sugar work — there was no 
mill — there was nothing of that kind which could be put in use : 
it was destroyed ; and since that period, various plantations have 
grown up in Hayti. Men have gone to the expense of thirty 
and forty thousand dollars, to build up those sugar works ; and it 
stands to reason, that unless these men were repaid for their 
capital, they would not continue that sort of work. And there 
is another thing to be observed — that sugar is not the staple com- 
modity of Hayti ; they only make sufficient for their own con- 
sumption. Coffee is the staple commodity of the island. 

" If a man can show, that he has the means of subsist- 
ence of his own, is he compelled to labor under the code 
rural e ? 

" Decidedly not. 

" Do you believe that corporal punishment is inflicted upon 
any of the laborers in Hayti? 

" I believe it is impossible. I have seen the peasantry in the 
Highlands of Scotland where I was brought up, and I declare 
that the negroes in St. Domingo are comparatively as mucli 
superior to them in comfort, as it is possible for one man to be 
over another." 

Evidence of Vice Admiral, the Hon. Charles Fleming, 
member of Parliament. 

"Was told that vagrants and deserters worked by compul- 
sion, but he did not see any himself. Had never heard of any 
working under the lash. The lash was jjrohiblted by law. 
The Haytiens appeared to him the happiest, best fed, and most 
comfortable negroes he had ever seen ; better off even than in 
the Caraccas : infinitely better than in Jamaica ; there was no 
comparison between them. He could not speak positively of 
the increase of the Haytien population since 1804, but believed 
it had trebled since that time. They now feed themselves, and 
they export provisions, which neither the Fi'cnch nor the Span- 
iards had ever done before. 

" He saw a sugar estate near Cape Haytien, General Bou- 
lon's, extremely well cultivated, and in beautiful order. It was 
wrought by blacks, all free. A new plantation was forming 
on the opposite side of the road. Their victuals were very su- 
perior to those in Jamaica, consisting chiefly of meat ; cattle 
being very cheap. The highest contract beef in Hayti, was 
2<f. in Jamaica it was 12^. He saw no marks of desfitution 

16* 



186 PRESENT STATE OF ST. DOMINGO. 

any where. The country seemed improving, and trade increas- 
ing. The estate he visited near the Cape was large ; it was 
calculated to make 300 hogsheads of sugar. It was beautifully 
laid out, and as well managed as any estate he had seen in the 
West Indies. His official correspondence as Admiral with the 
Haytien government, made him attribute much efficiency to it, 
and it bore strong marks of civilization. There was a better po- 
lice in Hayti, than in the new South American States ; the com- 
munication was more rapid ; the roads much better. One had 
been cut from Port au Prince to Cape Haytien, that would do 
honor to any country. A regular post was established. The 
government is one quite worthy of a civilized people. The negroes 
of Hayti, are certainly richer, and happier, and in a better con- 
dition than he had ever seen elsewhere. They were all work- 
ing in the fields when he was there. He rode about very much. 
He did not think any acts of oppression were practised on the 
people of Hayti by the government." 

Mr. Jeremie, late first president of the royal court of St. 
Lucia, informs us that in St. Domingo, " is found a happy, flour- 
ishing, a7ul conleiited peasantry, engaged in the cultivation of 
their own small freeholds; and as these persons acquire capital, 
they form larger establishments, and are gradually rising. 
This proves, that the general wants of the community are sup- 
plied, and, if well governed, that community must soon acquire 
strength, and rise to importance." Essays on Colonial Slave- 
ry, 1832, p. 63. 

The following facts, collected from the new and valuable 
" Dictionary of Commerce and Commercial Navigation," by J. 
R. McCulloch, London edition, 1834, abundantly confirm the 
foregoing testimonies. 

In 1786, the exportation of coffee was about 35,000 tons. In 
consequence of the subsequent devastation of the island, the ex- 
portation for some years almost totally ceased ; but it has now 
risen to about 20,000 tons ! p. 309. 

The amount of the following articles, exported in 1832, was 
estimated as follows, viz : 

Coffee, .... 50,000,000 lbs. 

Cotton, 1,500,000 lbs. 

Tobacco, 500,000 lbs. 

Cocoa, .... 500,000 lbs. 

Dye wood, .... 5,000,000 lbs. 



EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 187 

Tortoise shell . . . 12,000 lbs. 

Mahogany 6,000,000 feet 

Hides, 80,000— p. 927. 

The quantity of sugar exported in 1832, is not stated ; but 
in 1826, it amounted to 32,864 lbs. ; and it should be recol- 
lected, that about twenty years before, not an ounce of that 
article was manufactured on the island, p. 926. 

The imports into France, in 1831, from Hayti, exceeded in 
value the imports from Sweden — Denmark, the Hanseatic 
Towns — Holland — Portugal — Austria — the French East In- 
dies — or China, p. 637. 

In the same year, the importation of French wines into 
Hayti amounted to 108,495 gallons, p. 1250.* 

Cotton manufactures, to the amount of 6,828,576 yards, 
were exported from Great Britain to Hayti in 1831, being 
about one-tenth the number of yards exported the same year 
to the United States, p. 446. 

Our readers are now competent to judge for themselves how 
far the assertions of Mr. Stone and the Rev. Dr. Clough, are 
consistent with truth ; and also, what is " the practical com- 
mentary" offered by the history and present state of St. Do- 
mingo, on "the mad schemes of our well meaning but de- 
luded philanthropists." 



CHAPTER IX. 

EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 

The British Government, in part to conciliate the West 
India proprietors, and in part through apprehension of the 
danger of immediate emancipation, determined to abolish 
slavery in such a manner as to Jit the slave for freedom. In- 
stead of breaking his yoke, it was to be reduced in weight ; 
and six years were to be occupied in filing off" his manacles. 
On the first of last August, the slave was told and believed, 
that slavery was abolished ; but on the morrow, he was sum- 

♦ The quantity of French wine imported the same year into Great Britain 
for home consumption, waa 254,366 gallons, p- 1255. 



189 EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES. 

moned to his usual task, and required to work as before, with- 
out reward. Astonished and disappointed, he doubted the le- 
gality of the mandate, and hesitated to obey it. He was then 
informed, that, although no longer a slave, he was never- 
theless an apprentice, and must toil on for six years longer, be- 
fore he could enjoy the fruit of his labor. Had emancipation 
been nominally, as well as really, prospective, the slave would 
have regarded it as a boon ; but he did not readily comprehend 
the distinction between slavery and apprenticeship. 

There was, however, a very important distinction, which he 
soon discovered, and which did not promote his acquiescence 
in protracted wrong. The lash was, by act of Parliament, 
wrested from the master's hand ; and while he was authorized 
to command his apprentices to labor, he was forbidden to pu- 
nish them for idleness or insubordination. On this subject a Ja- 
maica paper remarks : " It is clear, and there is no use in disguis- 
ing the fact, that the apprentices can no longer be coerced in the 
way they formerly were; for in the first place, no magistrate 
can legally inflict more than twenty-nine stripes, and, in 
the next, it is not possible to furnish magistrates enough for 
the purpose. The hope, therefore, of coercing, is absurd, and 
must be abandoned." 

The conduct of the West India negroes, under these cir- 
cumstances, proves how utterly groundless are the apprehen- 
sions entertained of emancipation. Disappointed and irritated, 
and at the same time almost wholly released from the control 
of their masters, they have exhibited a meekness, patience, and 
forbearance, utterly without a parallel. The great mass of 
the apprentices continue to labor, but some have either refused 
to work, or accomplish less than their appointed tasks. None 
of the insurrections, murders and conflagrations, which were 
so confidently predicted by the enemies of abolition, have 
occurred. Not one life has yet been taken, not one dwell- 
ing fired,* throughout the British West Indies, by the eman- 
cipated slaves. 

This forbearance is the more remarkable, when we consider 
the numerical superiority of the negroes, in the West Indies, 
and particularly in Jamaica, where there are 331,000 slaves, 
and only 37,000 whites. 

♦ Two sheds, called trash houses, were lately burned in Jamaica, pro- 
bably, but not certainly, by an apprentice. 



EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH AVEST INDIES. 189 

Whatever may be the result of the apprenticeship experi- 
ment, Abolitionists are not responsible for it. It was adopted 
contrary to their advice, and is inconsistent with the doctrines 
they profess. The emancipation Avhich they believe to be 
most consonant with the will of God, most conducive to the 
safety and happiness of the whites, is immediate and uncon- 
ditional. They rejoice that their doctrines are at this moment 
subjected to a severe and practical test, and they await the issue 
with unshaken confidence. 

The Legislatures of Bermuda and Antigua, have adopted 
the very course which the American Anti-Slavery Society 
recommends to the slave States. With the permission of the 
British government, these Legislatures dispensed with the ap- 
prenticeship altogether, and on the first of last August, granted 
ivimediatt and unqualified emancipation. That we may judge 
of the fanaticism, the madness, the wreckless incendiarism of 
these Legislatures we must take into consideration the number 
of slaves they " let loose upon the community," and their rela- 
tive proportion to the white population. 

In Bermuda there are 5,.'500 whites, 4,650 slaves, and 500 
free blacks. In Antigua, 2,000 whites, 30,000 slaves, and 
4,500 free blacks.* 

The Bermuda Gazette, of the 4th August, thus speaks of 
the great change effected on the 1st : 

"The day was as remarkable for quietude, exemption from 
labor, and solemnity, as that which marks the Sabbath in a 
Christian land. The only bustle perceptible, was in prepara- 
tion for attending public worship, which his Excellency, the 
Governor, most wisely ordered to be performed : thereby dedi- 
cating it wholly to God, the wilier and doer of this great work. 
The churches and other places of public worship on the island, 
were crowded to excess, every possible accommodation being 
afforded to the colored people. From every quarter we hear 
of their orderly, nay more, exemplary behavior. Four days 
of universal freedom have now passed, and four days of more 
perfect regularity and quiet have these famed peaceful islands 
never witnessed." 

Such was the immediate result of turning loose 4,000 slaves. 
Let us now attend to the subsequent testimony. The Hon. 

♦ American Almanac. 



190 EMANCIPATION IN BERMUDA. 

Mr. Butterfield, Chief Justice of Bermuda, in his charge to 
the grand jury on the 6th November, referring to the abolition 
of slaves in the island, observed : 

" This measure, which was necessarily one of fearful experi- 
ment, has not, I am happy to say, disappointed the hopes of the 
public, whose feelings in its favor were expressed with a 
unanimity as unexampled as, I am proud to say, altogether 
honorable to the character of the country. On the contrary, 
it is a subject of congratulation, and certainly of commendation 
to the emancipated, that in three months during which we have 
been able to mark its working the general character and com- 
fort of society has improved, and the evils which some of its 
best friends apprehended, were in all cases overrated, and in 
some have hitherto had no existence." 

But in Bermuda the whites were equal to the blacks, and the 
manumitted slaves were perhaps restrained from outrage, by 
the consciousness of their own weakness. It seems as if Pro- 
vidence had provided facts to refute every argument that can 
be urged against abolition. Let us now turn to Antigua, where 
the slaves were to the whites as 15 to 1, and the free blacks as 
3 to 2, and see how far in this overwhelming preponderance of 
the colored over the white population, immediate emancipation 
confirmed Dr. Hawkes's theory ? Let the Antigua newspaper 
of 7th August, answer. 

" The great doubt is solved — the alarming prognostications 
of the advocates of slavery falsified — the highest hopes of the 
negroes' friends fulfilled, and their pledge honorably redeemed. 
A whole people, comprising thirty thousand souls, have passed 
from slavery into freedom, not only without the slightest ir- 
regularity, but with the solemn and decorous tranquillity of a 
Sabbath. A week has nearly elapsed, and although all eyes 
and ears are open, and reports spread rapidly, we have not 
heard of a single act of insolence, insubordination or violence 
committed by any one of them, under false and licentious no- 
tions of freedom." 

From the same paper, of the 14th August : " It is with the 
highest satisfaction we announce, that we know of and believe 
that there is no gang of laborers in the island, which has not 
returned to its accustomed employment.'''' 

So that two weeks after the slaves were " let loose," instead 
of begging and stealing, they were al' quietly at work. 



EMANCIPATION IN ANTIGTTA- 191 

We quote from the same paper of the 21st August : 

" The third week of freedom will close with this day, and 
again we are bound to express our gratitude and praise to the 
Divine goodness, for the perfect peace and tranquillity, which 
the island enjoys. Not the least symptom of insubordination 
has manifested itself any where ; and the daily accounts from 
all quarters testify to the excellent disposition and conduct of the 
new freemen. 

In a letter from Antigua, dated 30th August, and published 
in a Norfolk paper, we find the following : 

" The operations of conunerce have experienced no inter- 
ruption ; public confidence remains unshaken. Two sugar 
flantations have recently leased for as much as they were toorth 
unth the negroes included, prior to eviancipation.^^ 

While the Jamaica papers are filled with complaints of the 
conduct of the apprentices, and predictions of the ruin of the 
island, one of them (10th September) says : " In Antigua, all 
appears to be peaceable and quiet. Its rulers evinced more wis- 
dom, and proved themselves to be better tacticians, than those 
of any other colonics, Bermuda excepted. In getting rid of 
the apprenticeship they got rid of the source, and ow/y source of 
heart-burning between them and their laborers ; and we main- 
tain, as a //cc colony, will soon experience advantages not to be 
enjoyed by others, so long at least as the humbug continues." 

About eight months have now elapsed since the thirty thou- 
sand slaves of Antigua were suddenly " let loose," and, as yet, 
we have not heard of a single outrage committed by them. It 
had been customary in this island, as an additional security 
against insurrection, to proclaim martial law at the Christmas 
holy-days, during which times the slaves had peculiar oppor- 
tunities for forming conspiracies. The great act of justice ac- 
complished on the first of August, relieved the planters of all 
apprehension of insurrection ; and not only was the usual 
proclamation withheld at the last Christmas, but the militia 
ivas exempted from duty. In a late speech, by the Speaker of 
the Antigua House of Assembly, he adverted to the " universal 
tranquillity" that prevailed, and to the " respectful demeanor of 
the lower classes ;" and declared, that " the agricultural and 
commercial prosperity of the colony was absolutely on the 

AnVANCE." 



192 GRADUAL EMANCIPATION. 

CHAPTER X. 

GRADOAL AND IMMEDIATE EMANCIPATION. 

If we have been successful in our endeavors to prove, that 
the removal of slavery by colonization is both morally and 
physically impossible, then it necessarily follows, that the slaves 
must be emancipated here, or that slavery must be indefinitely 
continued. 

Should the former alternative be adopted, the important 
question occurs : ought the emancipation to be gradual or 
immediate ? 

If this question is to be determined with reference to moral 
obligation, it is certainly difficult for those who regard slavery 
as sinful to justify its continuance even for a limited time. If, 
however, the question is to be decided on the ground of mere 
political expediency, there are many and powerful objections 
to gradual emancipation ; and what may at first view appear 
paradoxical, the strength of these objections is proportioned to 
the number of slaves to be emancipated. 

In New- York, slavery was for the most part gradually abo- 
lished ; that is, the children, born after a certain day, became 
free, as they respectively reached the age of twenty-eight 
years ; and when the whole number of slaves were reduced to 
ten thousand, they were liberated in a single day. In New- 
York, the white population so greatly exceeded the black, that 
no jealousy was entertained of the free negroes, and no incon- 
venience experienced in uniting free and slave labor. But in 
those States, in which nearly all the laborers are slaves, where 
every free black is regarded as a nuisance and an incendiary, 
and where the planter would, on no consideration, permit him 
to labor in company with his slaves, much difficulty would 
necessarily attend a gradual relinquishment of slave labor. 

Suppose, in South Carolina for instance, ten thousand slaves 
should be annually manumitted by law. This would certainly 
be gradual emancipation, as it would require about forty 
years to free the whole number. Now, what would become of 
these ten thousand yearly discharged from the plantations? 
Would their late masters be wilhng to hire them, and turn them 
back into their cotton fields ? The supposition is extravagant. 



GRADUAL EMANCIPATION. 193 

The planter would dread their influence on his remaining slaves, 
and these would certainly, and with great reason, be dissatisfied 
at seeing their late companions working for wages, while they 
themselves were denied any compensation for their toil. But 
if the ten thousand liberated slaves were not employed, how 
could they obtain a livelihood, and how could the planters sup- 
ply their place on the plantations ? The idea, that by gradual 
emancipation, the slaves will become fit for freedom, is visiona- 
ry in the extreme. How is it possible that the liberation of a 
portion of the slaves, can qualify those who remain in cliains, 
to become useful citizens ? The house of bondage is not the 
school in which men are to be trained for liberty. 

As then gradual emancipation, however desirable, if no other 
can be obtained, is so full of difficulty, and, in the opinion of 
slave holders, so dangerous that they have almost universally 
passed laws to prevent it, the only alternative is immediate 
emancipation or continued slavery. 

It seems scarcely possible, that any conscientious man, after 
considering the results of immediate emancipation in St. Do- 
mingo, and Guadaloupe, in New- York, in Mexico, in South 
America, and in the West Indies, should join in the popular 
clamor against it, as necessarily leading to massacre and ra- 
pine. No reason can be assigned, why tlie whites would not 
possess the same physical power to prevent or suppress outrage 
after,, as before emancipation ; but abundant reason may be 
given, why the blacks, when restored to their rights, and enjoy- 
ing the protection and privileges of civil society, should 
.be less disposed to destroy their benefactors and deliverers, 
than tliey are when smarting under cruelty and injustice, 
to destroy those whom they regard as their tyrants and op- 
pressors. 

Who, with the knowledge, that no white man has ever been 
murdered in consequence of immediate emancipation, dares to 
declare in the presence of his IMaker, that self-preservation for- 
bids the abolition of slavery ? 

But we are met with the inquiry, how are the o\vners to be 
compensated for the loss of their property ? This same objec- 
tion was made to the suppression of the African slave trade. 
British merchants had invested large capitals in the traffic, and 
it was contended, that to prohibit the trade, was to violate the 
rights of property. All governments possess the right 

17 



104 COMPENSATION. 

suppress practices injurious to Society, and to abate nuisan- 
ces.* 

If a particular manufactory is found to be deleterious to the 
health of a city, it is not only the right, but the duty of the 
civil authority, to suppress it. If the national interests require 
an embargo, the measure is adopted, although it virtually wrests 
from the merchant his property, by depriving him of the use of 
his own ships. 

The State of New-York abolished slavery, without compen- 
sating the slave holders. The same has been done in Mexico, 
and in various instances in South America, and the compensa- 
tion given by Parliament to the West India proprietors, proba- 
bly arose from the consideration, that the legislators who enact- 
ed the Abolition law, were not themselves personally affected 
by it; and in order, therefore, to avoid the reproach of in- 
dulging their benevolence at the expense of others, granted 
a pecuniary compensation to the owners of the emancipated 
slaves. 

To contend that the slaves in the Southern States, ought 
rot to be emancipated by law, except on the payment to their 
masters, of their market value, is to contend that slavery .ought 
to be perpetual. Such a payment is morally impossible. By 
■whom can it be made 1 The Federal Government have nei- 
ther the will nor the constitutional power to make it. But ad- 
mitting it possessed both, the appropriation of the national 
funds to this purpose, would not be such a payment, because a 
very large proportion of those funds would be drawn from the 
slave holders themselves ; and it would be an insulting mock- 
ery, to offer to pay them with their own money. To suppose 
that the free States, would be willing from motives of disin- 
terested benevolence, to make a present to their neighbors of a 
THOUSAND MILLIONS OF DOLLARsf is obviously absurd : nor 
is it less absurd to insist that this sum ought to be paid to tha 
masters, by the Legislatures of the slave slates ; since the 
pockets of the masters, are the only sources whence those Le- 
gislatures could obtain the money. 

• "How little to be respected," exclaimed Lord Mulgrave, late governor 
of Jamaica, '"is that rigid regard for the rights of property, whicli says a 
man shall do what he likes with his own, when his own is his fellow- 
man." 

1 Estimating the slaves at an average value of $400, the amount would 
now nearly equal ibis sum, and in a few years, far exceed it. 



COMPENSATION- 195 

So far as the whole amount of wealth in the community 
is concerned, it would be enhanced, not diminished by eman- 
cipation. This may seem a strange assertion to follow the 
estimate we have just made of the market value of the slave 
population. But what is the price paid for a slave? Nothing 
more than the amount of his wages for life, paid in advance ,' 
paid it is true to another, but still paid as an equivalent for la- 
bor to be performed, and to be refunded with interest out of tha* 
labor. Now it is obvious that it is the product cf this labor, 
which can alone add any thing to the aggregate wealth ; and 
that no diminution of that wealth can be caused, by paying for 
the labor as it is performed, monthly, or yearly, instead of pay- 
ing for the whole of it in advance. 

This argument, it may be said, applies only to the purchase 
and sale of slaves ; but that where a planter is already in pos- 
session of them, he would certainly lose a part of his proHts, 
by being compelled to pay him wages, and this loss would be 
so much deducted by emancipation from the general stock. 
The fallacy of this opinion may be perceived by recollecting 
that it can in no degree affect the national wealth, Avhether the 
horse with which a farmer tills his corn-field, was reared by 
himself, or purchased from his neighbor. It is the corn pro- 
duced, and not the money paid for the animal by one man 
and received by another, that augments the riches of the 
country. 

If the slaves are worth a thousand millions of dollars, it is 
evidence that their laboi- must be worth muck more ; because, to 
their price is to be added the cost of their maintenance, and the 
whole is to be reimbursed with profit out of their labor. Now 
Colonization, would utterly annihilate all this labor ; it calls 
upon the South to surrender a commodity worth more than a 
thousand millions; and upon this surrender, which would 
convert the whole slave region into a wilderness, it rests all 
its hopes of the ultimate abolition of slavery ! ! 

Emancipation on the contrary, instead of removing millions 
of laborers, would stimulate their industry, improve their mo- 
rals, quicken their intelligence, and convert a dangerous, idle, 
and vicious population into wholesome citizens. Were all the 
slaves in South Carolina emancipated to-morrow, every branch 
of industry would derive new energy, and every species of 
property, an increased value from the additional sectirity 



196 CONSEQUENCES OF EMANCIPATION. 

which such a measure would give to society. All dread of 
insurrection would vanish, and one half of the population, who 
are now regarded as implacable foes, would be converted into 
useful friends. 

But it is objected, that the emancipated blacks will form a 
bad population. One would think, from this objection, that 
the slaves now. form a good population, and that they are to be 
rendered ignorant and immoral by freedom. Unquestionably, 
the liberated slaves, like all other vicious and degraded people, 
will, while such, form a bad population ; but if they are such 
while in bondage, and must ever remain such until liberated, 
then emancipation is the only process by which a bad, can be 
converted into a good population. As soon as they are free, 
they will be accessible to education and religious instruction, 
and all those various motives which operate as a wholesome 
restraint on the evil passions of our nature. It would be most 
unjust to estimate the future character of the emancipated 
slaves, supposing slavery to be immediately abolished, by the 
preseiit character of the free negroes. Tiiese last, in the slave 
States, are a hated and persecuted race. They are kept not 
only in ignorance, but in idleness. The planters will not em- 
ploy them, for fear they will contaminate the slaves ; and 
the whole legislation of the Southern States, towards this peo- 
ple, is to degrade and brutify them. But these wicked efforts 
are the results of slavery, and would cease with it. Were slave- 
ry abolished, then it would be the obvious interest of the South 
to improve the black population, and the causes which neces- 
sarily render the free blacks vicious, would no longer operate. 
The same remark applies, although with less force, to the free 
blacks of the North. Colonization and slavery have both had 
their influence in keeping alive, and aggravating the pre- 
judices against color, and these prejudices have led to that 
system of persecution and oppression to which the free blacks 
here are subjected. 

And now what injury or loss would the planter sustain, by 
the emancipation of his slaves? As a trader in human flesh, 
nis vocation would, indeed, be gone, but as the cultivator of the 
soil, his profits would be undiminished. The number of laborers 
would be as great as before ; and ttiey would still be depend- 
ent on labor for their support. They now cost their owner 
their food and clotliing, and their maintenance in sickness, in 



MODES OF EMANCIPATION. 197 

youth, and in old age ; the expense also of the idle and worth- 
less, is as great as that of the good. Their cost as free laborers 
would be but little more tlian at present, while their characters 
would be improved, and the employer could select such laborers 
as his occasions required. The laborers, finding their wages, 
and of course their comforts depending on their good con- 
duct, would be prompted to industry and sobriety ; and having 
nothing to gain by insurrection, and feclmg no injuries to 
avenge, all malignant designs against their employers would 
be laid aside, and they would soon make such advances in 
intelligence and morality, as would contribute no less to 
the good order and peace of society, than to their own hap- 
piness. 

Abolitionists are constantly called on for a plan of emanci- 
pation. They have little encouragement to respond to the call. 
If they propose the simple plan of proclaiming by act of the 
State Legislatures, the immediate and unqualified abolition of 
slavery, they are denounced as reckless incendiaries, i If they 
intimate, that abolition does not necessarily inhibit all compulso- 
ry labor, and point to the rural code of St. Domingo and the 
apprentice system of the West Indies, they are reproached 
with wishing to substitute one kind of slavery for another. 
But, in truth, they are under no obligation of duty or policy to 
propose any specific plan. No Temperance Society has felt 
itself bound because it pronounced the triftic in ardent spirits to 
be sinful, to furnish venders with plans for employing their capi- 
tals in other occupations. 

The details of emancipation, and the various legal provisions 
proper to render it safe and convenient, are not prescribed by 
the great principles of justice and religion, but by considera- 
tions of local policy, it is not probable, that if all the Southern 
Legislatures were sincerely anxious to abolish slavery, any two 
of them would do it in precisely the same manner, and under 
the same regulations. We have seen one plan pursued in St. 
Domingo, another in Bermuda and Antigua, a third in the 
other British West-Indies, and still diflerent plans in South 
America. 

Of all these plans, that adopted in Mexico, Bermuda and 
Antigua, of immediate, total and unqualified emancipation, will, 
there is reason to believe, be found in all cases the most safe 
and expedient. 

i.7* 



198 MODES OF EMANCIPATION. 

This plan removes from the slave all cause for discontent. 
He is free, and his own master, and he can ask for no more. 
Y^t he is, in fact, for a time, absolutely dependent on his late 
owner. He can look to no other person for food to eat, clothes 
to put on, or house to shelter him. His first wish therefore is, 
to remain where he is, and he receives as a favor, permission 
to labor in the service of him whom the day before he regard- 
ed as his oppressor. But labor is no longer the badge of his 
servitude, and the consummation of his misery: it is the evi- 
dence of his liberty, for it is voluntary. For the first time in 
his life, he is a party to a contract. He negotiates with his 
late master, and returns to the scene of his former toil, and the 
scene of his stripes and his tears, with a joyful heart, to labor 
for HIMSELF. The wages he has agreed to accept, will, in 
fact, be little more than the value of his maintenance ; for it 
is not to be expected, that in a treaty with his employer, his 
diplomacy will gain for him any signal advantages ; but still 
there will be a charm in the very name of ?^<z_ges which will make 
the pittance he receives, appear a treasure in his eyes. Thus 
will the transition from slave to free labor be effected instan- 
taneously, and with scarcely any perceptible interruption of 
the ordinary pursuits of life. In the course of time, the value 
of negro labor, like all other vendible commodities, will be 
regulated by the supply and demand : and justice be done both 
to the planter and hisdaborers. The very consciousness, more- 
over, that justice is done to both parties, will remove their 
mutual suspicions and animosities, and substitute in their pkice 
feelings of kindness and confidence. No white man in Anti- 
gua, surrounded as he is by blacks, now dreams of insurrec- 
tion, or fears the midnight assassin. Can as much be said of 
our Southern planters 1 

In concluding this chapter, we beg leave to address the fol- 
lowing questions to the reader, and we beseech him seriously 
to inquire, what duties are prompted by the answers which his 
conscience and understanding may compel him to return. 

Do you believe it to be agreeable to the will of God, and 
the welfare of our country, that slavery should be perpetual? 

Is it either possible or probable, that slavery can or will be 
removed by colonization ? 



DANCER OF SLAVERY. 199 

If slavery be not abolished by law, is it not probable, that it 
will, in time, be terminated by violence ? 

Do the precepts of Christianity, and the lessons of history, 
recommend gradual in preference to immediate emancipation? 



CHAPTER XI. 



DANGER OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 



While slave holders and Colonizationists delight to expatiate 
on the danger of immediate emancipation, and to reprc^sent its 
advocates as reckless incendiaries, ready to deluge the country 
in blood, they seem scarcely conscious that any danger is to 
be apprehended from slavery itself. Yet the whole history of 
slavery is a history of the struggles of the oppressed to recover 
their liberty. The Romans had their servile wars, in one of 
which forty thousand slaves were embodied in arms — Italy ra- 
vaged, and Rome licrsclf nienanced. 

A European writer remarks : " The formidable rebellion of 
the Jamaica slaves, in 17G:i, is well known; and in almost every 
island in the Archipelago, have repeated insurrections broken 
out ; somotimes the result of plans laid with the utmost secrecy, 
and very widely extended, always accompanied by the horrors 
of African warfare." 

The destruction of property in Jamaica, in the insurrection 
of 1833, was estimated by the Legislature at £1,154,583. Any 
commotion of the emancipated slaves, that should cost the island 
one-hundredth part of this sum, would be hailed both there and 
here, as demonstrative of tlie folly and hazard of emancipation. 

And have we not in our own country, had melancholy, heart- 
rending proofs of the danger of slavery ? j 

In 17(3, and 1711, negro insurrections occurred in New- 
York, and we may judge of the alarm they excited, by the 
shocking means us3d to prevent their recurrence. Of the lead- 
ers of the last insurrec.ion, thirteen were burned alive, eighteen 
hung, and eighty transported. In the single State of South- 
Carolina, there have been no less than seven insurrections 
designed or executed. In 171 1, the House of Assembly com- 
plained of certain fugitive slaves, who "keep out armed, aM 



200 DANGER OF SLAVERY. 

robbing and plundering houses and plantations, and putting the 
inhabitants of this provuice in great fear and terror." In 1730, 
an open rebellion occurred, in which the negroes were actually 
armed and embodied. In 1739, there were no less than three 
rebellions, as appears from a petition from the Council and As- 
sembly to the king, in which they complain of an "msurrectiou 
of our slaves, in which many of the inhabitants icere murder- 
ed in a barbarous aiul o'uel manner ; and that was no sooner 
quelled, than another projected in Charleston, and a third lately 
in the very heart of the settlements, but happily discovered time 
enough to be prevented." In 1816, there was a conspiracy of 
the slaves in Camden and its vicinity, " the professed design of 
which was to murder all the whites and free the?fiselves.^^ The 
conspiracy in Charleston in 1822, and the sacrifice of human 
life to which it led, are well known. But in no instance, has 
the danger of slavery been so vividly illustrated, as in the tra- 
gedy of Southampton. 

A fanatic slave conceived, from some supposed signs in the 
heavens, or peculiarity in the weather, that he was called by 
God to destroy the whites. He communicated his commission 
to five other slaves, who engaged to aid him in executing it. 

The conspirators agreed to meet at a certain place, on the 
night of the 21st August, 1831. They assembled at the ap- 
pointed hour, and the leader, Nat Turner, beheld with surprise 
a sixth man, who had not been invited by him to join the enter- 
prise, but who had learned from another source, the cause of the 
meeting; and on inquiring for what purpose hohad come, receiv- 
ed the remarkable answer : " My life is worth no more than tliat 
of others, and my liberty as dear tome." With these six associ- 
ates. Turner commenced the work of destruction. By sunrise, 
the number of murderers was swelled to fourteen, and by ten 
o'clock the same morning, to forty ! 

From the testimony given on the trial of Turner, and which 
has been published, it appears, that there was no previous con- 
cert, except between Turner and his six original associates, 
and that no white or free colored man was privy to their design. 

The dates we have given of the various insurrections, prov$ 
conclusively, that they were in no degree connected with dis- 
cussions respecting Abolition ; and at the time of the Southamp- 
ton massacre, there was no Anti-Slavery Society in the United 
States advocating immediate emancipation. 



DANGER OF SLAVERY, 201 

Abolitionists have been often charged with a desire to Ibnient 
insurrections ; but the charge is wholly gratuitous, and no proof 
whatever of such sublimated wickedness has ever been addu- 
ced against them. On the contrary, their characters, profes- 
sions and conduct repel the calumny. The whole history of 
Abolition shows, that its only tendency is to insure peace and 
safety. 

We have brought facts to establish the danger of slavery; 
let us now attend to the confessions of slave holders to the same 
point. A South Carolhia writer, while urging the necessity of 
a stricter police over the slaves, thus describes them : 

" Let it never be forgotten, that our negroes are truly the 
Jacobins of the country ; that they are the anarchists, and the 
domestic enemy; the common enemy of civilized society, 

AND THE BARBARIANS WHO WOULD IF THEY COULD, BECOME 
THE DESTROYERS OF OUR RACE."* 

The Southern Religious Telegraph says : 

" Hatred to the whites, with the exception in some cases of 
attachment to the person and family of the master, is nearly 
universal among the black population. We have then a foe 
cherished in our very bosoms — a foe willing to draw our 
LIFE-BLOOD, whenever the opportunity is offered, and, in the 
mean time, intent on doing us all the mischief in his power.' ' 

Now, be it recollected, that these "destroyers of our race,'' 
these foes, willing " to draw the life-blood" of the whites, are 
rapidly advancing to an immense numerical majority. And 
on what grounds do the whites rest their hope of security 
from these Jacobins, and anarchists — on equal laws, the diffu- 
sion of education, and the influence of religion? Let Governor 
Haynes of South Carolina, ansv/er the question. 

" A STATE OF MILITARY PREPARATION, must always be with 
us a state of perfect domestic security. A profound peace, and 
consequent apathy, may expose us to the danger of domestic 
insurrection." — Message to the Legislature, 1833. 

Thus, profound peace, which is a blessing to all other people, 
will be a curse to the slave holders, and they are to hold all 
that is dear to them by the tenure o? military preparation ! 

Is it, we ask, possible, for any nation to have a worse popu- 
lation than that described in the preceding extracts, or to be 

* A refutation of the calumnies inculcated against the Southern and 
Western States.— Chorleston, 1622. 



202 DANGER OF SLAVKHT. 

doomed to a more deplorable fate, them that of perpetual mili- 
tary preparation ? 

We have now seen, what are the religious and political prin- 
ciples, and what are the historical facts which lead the Ameri- 
can Anti-Slavery Society to recommend immediate emancipa- 
tion to their Southern brethren. 

But it is demanded, with an air of supercilious triumph, 
what have Northern men to do with slavery, and what right 
have they to interfere with the domestic mstitutions of tho 
South? And is this question addressed to the followers of him 
who commanded his disciples to " go into all the world, and to 
preach the Gospel to every creature?" As well might it be 
asked of the Christians of America, what they have to do with 
the religion of Brahma, — what right they have to interfere to 
rescue the widow from the burning pile, or the devotee from the 
wheels of Juggernaut ? Christians are no less bound by the 
ijijuuction to " do good unto all men," to endeavor, by lawful 
means, to break the fetters of the slave, than to deliver the vic- 
tim of Pagan superstition. The obligation is imperative, and 
they who duly respect its authority, will not be deterred by vio- 
lence or denunciation from obeying its monitions. The same 
moral sense which has led Abolitionists to oppose slavery, will, 
we trust, forever lead them to repudiate in their practice the 
detestable doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. Tho 
means they employ, except in relation to slavery under the au- 
tliority of Congress, are wholly confined to arguments address- 
ed to the conscience and understanding ; and intended only to 
excite the voluntary action of the masters. With them, and 
with them alone, rests the power of deciding on the course they 
will pursue. But L-t them ponder well the consequences 
to themselves and their posterity, of their momentous decision. 

By rejecting Abolition, they reject all the rich and varied 
blessings in morals, in security, in political power and wealth, 
which it offers to their acceptance. And v/hat do tiiey retain 
— the licentiousness, cruelty, and injustice ; the depression of 
enterprise, the wasting of strength, the fearful forebodings, tlia 
hourly jeopardy, the frowns of public opinion, and the re- 
proaciies of conscience, which are and must be tiie inseparabla 
attendants on slavery. Before tliey rcluse to retreat from the 
vulcano on which they are standing, let them look uito the ter- 
rilie crater wliich yawns beneath them. 



CONSEQUENCES OF CONTINUED SLAVERY. 203 

If slavery is to be perpetual, it will be well to estimate, not 
only the number of slaves with which our Soutliern country is 
to be peopled, but also the ratio they are to bear to thoir mas- 
ters. It must be recollected, that all those moral checks on po- 
j)ulation wliich arise from religion, the refinements of civilized 
life, and the difficulty of sustaining a family are wanting to the 
slave. Hence there is always a tendency to a far more rapid 
multiplication in a slave than a free population. Certain cir- 
cumstances may indeed check this tendency, but experience 
proves, that in this country, they exist to a very slight extent, if 
at all. Our slaves are increasing ia a constantly accelerated 
ratio. In the ten years, from 1840 to 1850, judging from tho 
result of the last census, the increase will be 1,049,275, a num- 
ber greater than all the slaves just liberated in the West Indies ! 
The next ten years, a still greater number will be added, and so 
on inJelinitely. In the mean time, new and powerful checks will 
be operating to retard the progress of the white population. 
Tlie evils attendant on slavery, will offer strong inducements to 
the young and indigent to forsake the land of their fathers, anil 
to geek a safer home, and a wider field for enterprise. Virginia 
aftbrds a striking illustration of tills remark. The domestic 
slave trade annually relieves that State of more than six tliou- 
eand slaves, and yet, notwithstanding this drain, they continue to 
increase. 

In 1830, the colored population in the counties east of the 
Blue-ridge, exceeded the wliite by 81,078, whereas, forty years 
before, in the same counties, the whites had a majority of 
26,098 ! 

The number of slaves must at length reach the point of 
profitable employment, after which, each additional one becomes 
an incumbrance. Soon after this point is reached, tiie traffic in 
slaves must cease, and the owners will be unable to dispose of 
their superfluous hands. Tlie consequence will be, the gradual im- 
poverishment of the proprietors. As the slaves increase in num- 
lier, and diminish in value, their masters will gradually become 
less iiiterested in their welfare, and more apprehensive of their 
physical strength. Fear is a cruel passion, and especially as it 
silences the remonstrances of conscience, by the plea of seU- 
preservation. As tlie danger becomes more pressing, the pre- 
cautions of the master will become more and more rigorous : 
every slave being regarded and treated as an enemy, will, in fact, 



204 PUBLIC OPINION. 

become one ; and every increase of cruelty, will but hasten the 
final catastrophe. 

In the mean time, slavery will have ceased in every other 
part of the civilized world. In Brazil, it will probably receive 
its death-blow, in the first popular revolution. In the Danish 
Islands, it will expire in two years ; and in the French and 
Spanish colonies, it cannot long survive.* And when this 
loathsome leprosy shall alone cling to the republicans of our 
Southern and Western States, in what light will they, must 
they, be regarded by the rest of the human race ? This is an 
age, in which public opinion has snatched the sceptre from kings 
and senates, and reigns an imperious and absolute despot. She 
may, indeed, be influenced, but not resisted. She called for the 
abolition of the African slave trade, and the trafiickers in human 
flesh, for centuries encouraged and protected by law, became a 
proscribed race. She is now calhng for the freedom of the slave, 
and his shackles are falling from him. Emancipation will soon 
become the common cause of Christendom, as the abolition of 
the slave trade was a few years since. 

In 1822, tlie House of Representatives requested the President 
to enter into negotiations with the several maritime powers, 
for the effectual suppression of the slave trade, and its ul- 
timate denunciation as piracy; and negotiations were ac- 
cordingly opened on this subject with Great Britain, Spain, 
Portugal, Russia, France, Netherlands, Buenos Ayres, and 
Colombia. 

In 1821, Portugal persisting in the trafiic, the British House 
of Commons called upon the king, to endeavor, by negotiation, 
to prevail on the powers of Europe to exclude from their forts 
the produce of the Portugese Colonics. Portugal yielded, and 
the trade has been renounced by every Christian nation in 
Europe and America. And may not the same, or similar means, 
be adopted by other nations to put an end to American slavery ? 
It is by no means improbable, that before many years elapse, f 

* The voluntary manumissions in the French Colonies from 1st Janua- 
ry, 1831, to 1st June, 1833, were 21,962. Since the late Abolition Act of Great 
Britam, an Anti- Slavery Society has been organized in Paris, with rhe Due 
de Broglioat its head- It is said to have "derived its existence in the very 
bosom of the Chamber of Deputies. 

t A statement has recently been laid before the British Parliament, of the 
amount of such produce of American slave labor imported into Great Britain 
as enters into competition with the productions of the West-Indies, 



PUBLIC OPINION. 205 

'I'.vs will be passed, and treaties made, for excluding the pro- 
ducts of slave labor from Europe. 

So long ago as 1806, Mr. Windham, in the House of Com- 
mons, " did not hesitate to say, that when the proper time arri- 
ved, and the consent of other powers could be obtained for its 
abolition, slavery ought not to be suffered to exist among the 
institutions of any civilized State." 

The emperor of Austria has issued a decree, declaring — 
" Every man, by the right of nature, sanctioned by reason, 
must be considered a free person. Every slave becomes free 
from the moment he touches the Austrian soil, or an Austrian 
ship." 

The Edinburgh Review insists, that "the existence of 
slavery in America, is an atrocious crime, with which no 
means can be kept." 

Mr. Buckingham, member of Parliament, lately asserted at 
a public meeting : 

" The greater proportion of the people of England, demand 
not merely emancipation, but the immediate emancipation of 
the slaves, ut whatever qvarter of the icorld they may be 
found. ''^ 

Daniel O'Connell, shortly before the abolition of slavery in 
the British dominions, declared in public : 

" The West-Indies will be obliged to grant emancipation, 
and then we will turn to America, a?id to every part of Europe, 
and require emancipation^ 

A Society has just been formed in England, entitled, " the 
British and Foreign Society for the universal abolition of negro 
slavery and the slave trade." 

Our pride may revolt at the idea of foreign interference, but 
it will he the interference not of force, but of public opinion, 
against which our fleets and armies will be of no avail. 

We cannot compel other countries to buy our cotton and 
sugar; or to admit our citizens from the South, when they 
visit Europe, to the usual courtesies of social intercourse. 
"When an American comes into society," said Daniel O'Con- 
nell, in a numerous assembly, " he will be asked, ' Are you one 
of the thieves, or are you an honest man ? If you are an honest 
man, then you have given liberty to your slaves ; if you are 
among the thieves, the sooner you take the outside of the 
house the better.' " 



306 CONCLUSION. 

The very coarseness of this invective in the mouth of the 
great Agitator, indicates the temper of the British population 
on this subject ; a temper which, fostered as it is by the progress 
of liberal principles, will, in time, become the temper of all 
Europe ; and, indeed, of all the world. While the slave holders 
are suffering, without sympathy and without redress, from tho 
harassing influence of this temper, their slaves will be muhi- 
plying with a fearfid rapidity, and becoming each day more 
conscious of their own strength: and unless their fetters are 
loosened, they will inevitably be burst. 

Our Southern bretlu'cn are the masters of their own destiny : 
may a gracious God lead them to know the things which belong 
.o their peace, before they be forever hidden from their eyes. 



THE END. 

























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